An Electoral Victory Is Not the Defeat of Fascism: A Black Radical Perspective on the Democratic Party's Midterm Victories

An Electoral Victory Is Not the Defeat of Fascism: A Black Radical Perspective on the Democratic Party's Midterm Victories

By: Ajamu Baraka for Black Agenda Report

Democratic victories are a setback for Trump and the Republican Party, but not a defeat of the forces driving fascism.

The Democratic victories in the November 3 elections are a setback for Donald Trump and the Republican Party. But they should not be confused with a defeat of the political forces driving the consolidation of fascism in the United States and globally. Those forces are not confined to one political party in the U.S., nor are they simply the product of Trump's personal ambitions. They are rooted in the profound structural crisis of the global colonial/capitalist system, the declining capacity of the United States to maintain its global dominance, the increasing concentration of wealth and political power and its defense, and the historical structures of racialized and colonial domination upon which the American political economy is constructed.

Democratic Party operatives and their supporters have consistently attempted to portray the current crisis as principally the product of Trump and the Republican Party. This interpretation requires a deliberate forgetting of the bipartisan character of the expansion of executive power, militarism, surveillance, and domestic repression that has characterized politics in the U.S. for most of the 21st century.

Under the banner of hope, change, and a renewed commitment to international cooperation, the Obama administration ended up being the most aggressive imperial presidency of the post-war period. It supported coups against democratically elected governments in Honduras and Egypt; along with NATO, initiated the war to overthrow the Libyan government; supported armed opposition forces in Syria; and provided military and logistical assistance to the Saudi war on Yemen.

Domestically, Obama presided over record deportations and expanded the national security state's capacity to surveil, prosecute, and punish political dissent. His administration prosecuted whistleblowers under the Espionage Act at a rate unprecedented in modern U.S. history. It also institutionalized targeted killing through drone warfare, including the extrajudicial killings of at least three U.S. citizens in Yemen in 2011: Anwar al-Awlaki, Samir Khan, and 16-year-old Abdulrahman al-Awlaki.

These were not incidental departures from an otherwise progressive administration. They demonstrated how liberal political leadership could expand the coercive powers of the state while maintaining the language of democracy, human rights, and inclusion, becoming what the late Glen Ford characterized as the “more effective evil.”

The Biden administration continued this trajectory. Its support for the militarization of the confrontation with Russia, including tens of billions of dollars in military assistance to Ukraine, reinforced the bipartisan commitment to U.S. global military dominance. Most devastatingly, Biden's administration continued supplying Israel with weapons and diplomatic protection as it carried out its genocidal assault on Gaza. The administration's conduct exposed the hollowness of its professed commitment to international law and human rights when those principles conflicted with the strategic interests of the United States. The Obama and Biden administrations provide ample evidence of this reality.

To ignore that history is to surrender political memory and make the struggle against fascism a partisan issue when both parties are committed to defending the agenda of U.S. led monopoly capital and the commitment to fascism to maintain those interests.

For African/Black and other anti-colonial peoples and forces in the U.S. and globally, the implications are clear. We cannot permit the struggle against fascism to be reduced to a campaign for the restoration of liberal Democratic governance.

Our responsibility is to help build an independent, internationalist, popular movement capable of confronting the material and ideological foundations of domination, regardless of which political party occupies the White House or controls Congress.

The struggle is not simply to defend the institutions of an existing political order. It is to establish the conditions for a genuinely democratic society and world in which sovereignty, dignity, material survival, and self-determination of peoples and nations take precedence over the interests of capital and empire.

An electoral victory in the context of neoliberal global control may slow down the consolidation of fascism, but ultimately, it is only the organized popular struggle that must defeat the social forces and material interests that sustain it.

Killing Haiti: Bukele and Prince join the US and the UN on Mission to Murder

By: Jemima Pierre for Black Agenda Report

Nayib Bukele, El Salvador’s president, joins Erik Prince, the US, and the UN to kill more Haitians.

Haiti is the next battle ground for Nayib Bukele, El Salvador’s despotic, right-wing, Christian zionist president. Over the past few days, he has deployed Salvadoran soldiers to Haiti on chartered cargo flights, with more than 1000 of these mercenary vultures expected to descend upon the country. The reason for this foreign military invasion and occupation of a presumably sovereign country? The alleged kidnapping and subsequent killing of four or five Salvadoran mercenaries by so-called Haitian “gangs” is the justification. Because of the deaths of these mercenaries, Bukele has decided El Salvador will go to war in Haiti.

But why were those Salvadoran mercenaries in Haiti in the first place? Under whose authority and what law? How is it that Bukele can just deploy his military to invade Haiti? And what is the recourse for a Haitian population continuously under assault by foreign militaries and armed groups? 

Bukele’s dead Salvadoran mercenaries were part of the US-concocted, UN- approved illegal “Gang Suppression Force” (GSF). This Gang Suppression Force was proposed to the UN by the US and its neocolonial lapdog, Panama, as an armed military intervention into Haiti to handle the country’s “gang problem.” The Gang Suppression Force replaced the US-concocted, Kenyan-enforced “Multinational Security Support” (MSS) sent to Haiti from 2023 - 2025. Both of these forces were set up as alternatives to a full UN “peacekeeping” mission, which the US has been seeking in Haiti ever since 2021, when its installed Haitian president, Jovenel Moïse, was assassinated. The US wanted to replicate the MINUSTAH mission, the UN occupation force that consolidated the 2004 US-France-Canada coup d’etat that removed Haiti’s democratically elected government, and which occupied Haiti and terrorized Haitians from 2004 until 2017, and led to the complete dismantling of the Haitian state. 

The “Gang Suppression Force” is operating in Haiti under a “chapter 7” deployment, meaning that it has full power to exert deadly force against the population. But it is not part of an official UN mission and merely serves as cover for US terrorist machinations in Haiti. In fact, the UN/US boasts that this new force can work “independently” of the Haitian national police and the Haitian government. Its members have the full power to “neutralize” those it thinks are gang members, and it works outside of any local authority of law. 

In reality, the GSF serves to give cover to the ongoing US destruction of the Haitian state. It also  allows the US to test out its violent doctrine of control – a doctrine whose practice includes the collapse of the state, the deployment of foreign mercenaries, the obliteration of local communities, and the suppression of all existing laws. Meanwhile, those Haitians citizens – human beings – whose lives have been upended and destroyed have no avenues for restitution, and no recourse for reparation.

When they arrive in Haiti, Bukele’s 1,000 mercenaries will join the hundreds of mercenaries of Erik Prince’s murderous Vectus Global (formerly Blackwater) group already in the country. While many of Prince’s hired killers are from El Salvador, Prince’s mercenaries coordinate with the UN GSF, as his mercenaries make up the “Task Force” working with the Haitian National Police. This “Task Force” focuses exclusively on drone warfare. It is a warfare that has received little attention but has wreaked havoc on the Haitian population. 

For more than a year, Erik Prince’s drones have killed thousands of Haitian people, most of them civilians. In March 2026, Human Rights Watch released a report stating that between “March 1, 2025, and January 21, 2026 — a span of about ten and a half months — explosive drone strikes flown by Haitian security forces and the private contractors working with them killed at least 1,243 people across 141 separate operations. Another 738 were injured.” These are documented assassinations. While HRW is not exactly a radical outlet, it did point out with certainty that this count was of the dead, not of the guilty. The report confirmed that at least 60 bodies were confirmed to be civilians, including a large number of children. These murders have barely received a mention in international media. 

Family and friends in Haiti tell me that the number of civilians killed by Erik Prince’s drone attacks are grossly undercounted. Any young dead person can be said to be a “gang member.” Meanwhile, in UN reports, the dead are reported not as victims of mercenary drone warfare, but “victims of gang violence.” For the US and for the UN, like for Prince, Haitian people are expendable. 

So: in Haiti, there are currently mercenaries from the UN, mercenaries from El Salvador, “gangs” armed with US guns, and mercenaries working Vectus/Blackwater’s drone assasination campaign – all under the cover of the UN. There is an army of foreigners in Haiti, performing the bloody work of the US and the UN, with a license to kill and a mandate to murder.

None of what is happening, and what has happened in Haiti since 2004, is legal. None of it is allowed in Haiti's constitution. None of it is done through the will of the Haitian people. What is going on in Haiti is a continuation of the destruction of the Haitian state that began with the 1991 coup d'état that removed Haiti's first popularly elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and culminated in the 2004 removal of the same president during his second term. What is going on in Haiti is the entrenchment of the full denial of the country's sovereignty. What is going on in Haiti is full-on colonial control, but one that is being lived as a state in perpetual but controlled chaos.

The current predicament of Haiti is a state with no accountability to its people, while armed and controlled by an external force. Haiti is run by an externally imposed executive without a mandate but with the ability to hire mercenaries with lethal technologies. In Haiti, we have the forced collapse of our state by US imperialism, buttressed by the "international community,” and an ongoing violent occupation that has an unending stream of foreigners ready to use our people – our children – as cannon fodder. 

And just like Lula’s Brazil used Haiti as a training ground for its police death squads on behalf of the US empire by leading the MINUSTAH occupation, and with support of the UN, Bukele is doing the same, with even more racist arrogance. 

Haiti may be a model for what is to come – the laboratory for the next stage of US imperial rule as it is forced back to the Western hemisphere. But Haiti’s history also tells us that Haitians never fully play the role that imperialists expect them to play. 

Bukele should take this as a warning.

Jemima Pierre is an editor and contributor to Black Agenda Report, a member of the Black Alliance for Peace, and of the Anti-Imperialist Scholars Collective.

Out of Africa protest for the International Month of Action against AFRICOM

Out of Africa protest for the International Month of Action against AFRICOM

By Nicholas Tolliver in Fight Back News

Minneapolis, MN – On October 17, the U.S. Out of Africa committee of Women Against Military Madness held its first protest at Mayday Plaza in the Cedar Riverside neighborhood. The protest was part of the International Month of Action against AFRICOM, a month of actions focused on the withdrawal of U.S. military from Africa and bringing an end to U.S. involvement in African wars. AFRICOM is the U.S. military command that focuses on for Africa.

Protesters rallied in the predominantly East African neighborhood with signs that said, “Shut down AFRICOM” and “End U.S. drone strikes.” The neighborhood gave them a friendly response with honks and waves.

Lina Jebara, a member of the US Palestinian Community Network, spoke about the connection between U.S. imperialism in Africa and Israel’s genocide in Palestine and about how the Minneapolis Honeywell plan is contributing to these atrocities.

Jebara stated, “Today, we’re seeing the oppression of African countries subject to U.S. imperialist aggression converging and aligning with the oppression faced in the Middle East. The MQ-9 Reaper drone is yet another example that proves that the tools used by U.S. imperialism are one in the same, built and honed from centuries of plundering, colonizing and occupying nations.”

Honeywell makes the engines and navigational components for the MQ-9 Reaper drones used by Israel in its genocide of Gaza and by the U.S. in Somalia and Nigeria. Honeywell produces Inertial Measurement Units (IMUs), a navigational component for the MQ-9 Reaper drones, at its navigation lab and production plant in northeast Minneapolis.

Protesters demanded an end to Trump’s racist war on Somalia. Trump has escalated U.S. air war in Somalia, increasing U.S. drone strikes and civilian casualties. Donald Trump has so far bombed Somalia 215 times in his second term as president and 434 times total. President Trump has bombed Somalia more than all the other presidents combined in the 20 years that the U.S. has been at war in Somalia.

Domestically, Trump is also engaged in a racist hate campaign against Somali people, and has called Somali people “garbage,” “low-IQ”, and “bad people,” and said that Somalia was “barely a country.” Trump has repeatedly attacked the Somali community in Minneapolis, using ICE during Operation Metro Surge to target Somali neighborhoods and most recently using ICE to raid Congresswoman Ilhan Omar’s Washington DC house as part of the attempt to revoke her citizenship.

Speakers from Black Lives Matter Minnesota and the Twin Cities Coalition for Justice highlighted the connections between the U.S. intervention in Africa and police militarization, racist police violence, and mass incarceration here in the U.S.

Alissa Washington, the founder of the Wrongfully Incarcerated & Over-sentenced Families Council-MN, talked about the importance of international solidarity, stating, “Our experiences are different, but they compel us to stand together. We want an end to the killing and exploitation of Black people, wherever it happens. If I want people to care about my family, I have a responsibility to care about families in Palestine, in Sudan, in Congo, in Somalia, and across the whole continent of Africa.”

The U.S. Out of Africa committee is a new committee in Women Against Military Madness. The organization calls for the abolition of AFRICOM, withdrawal of U.S. bases, and an end to U.S. drone strikes in Africa. The U.S. Out of Africa committee is working alongside the Minnesota Anti-War Committee on a campaign to stop Honeywell from producing weapon components in Minneapolis.

Image: Minneapolis protest demands U.S. out of Africa. | Fight Back! News

Open Letter on the United Nations General Assembly Resolution by Cuba

2026 October 20
Honourable Kamla Persad-Bissessar
Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago
Office of the Prime Minister
St. Clair, Port of Spain 

Open Letter on the United Nations General Assembly Resolution by Cuba, entitled: “Necessity of ending the economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed by the United  States of America against Cuba” 

We Demand That 

Trinidad and Tobago Stands with Cuba 

Dear Prime Minister, 

As you are aware, Cuba has tabled a Resolution titled “Necessity of ending the economic,  commercial and financial embargo imposed by the United States of America against Cuba”for consideration by the United Nations General Assembly on October 27/28, 2026.  

This Resolution has been tabled by Cuba at the UNGA every year beginning in 1992. For the last thirty-three (33) years, Trinidad and Tobago has voted in support of Cuba’s Resolution. Indeed,  CARICOM has consistently issued Communiques following Heads of Government Meetings calling on the United States to end the Embargo against Cuba and to also remove Cuba from the so-called list of countries that are engaged in state sponsorship of terrorism, as there is absolutely no evidence to support such a designation.  

In furtherance of CARICOM’s principled position, several Heads of Government have used the opportunity of addressing the General Assembly at its annual Opening Session and speaking directly to this issue. We noted that you, as the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, made no such call.  

Honourable Prime Minister, regrettably it has become imperative for this Open Letter to be sent to you because the established policy of Trinidad and Tobago to support, unconditionally, the call for the end of the Blockade has been disregarded, repudiated even, by your Government. 

As is well known, four Caribbean states – Barbados, Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago - established diplomatic relations with Cuba in December 1972. It was a bold and brave decision by these four small and newly independent nations, given not only the isolation that Cuba was facing, but also that this was at the height of the “Cold War” and, moreover, the fact that the US  was our major trading partner. However, the Heads of Government of these four Caribbean states took the principled position that Cuba is a Caribbean nation with which we share a common history and that our foreign policy should not be shaped and determined by the national interests of others, including that of large states/powers. 

As a result of our establishing relations with Cuba, Trinidad and Tobago has benefitted immensely. Cuba has provided university scholarships for our young people and thus contributed to the development of our human capacity and enabled young people who would not have had the financial means to access tertiary education. Cuba has provided health care professionals under its Medical Brigade agreements, and these professionals have been crucial to the sustaining of quality health care to our citizens. Cuba has given us sports coaches to assist our high-performing athletes. And there have been invaluable exchanges in culture and in academia. At no time has Cuba sought to extract anything in return.  

Something changed with your Government in 2025. It seems as if you began to calculate this country’s foreign policy, not on long-established principles, but on what the US defines as its  “national security interests”. Let us be clear. The US national security interest is explicitly stated in the 2025 National Security Strategy. It is to “restore American pre-eminence in the Western  Hemisphere... We will deny non-Hemispheric competitors the ability to position forces or other threatening capabilities, or to own or control strategically vital assets, in our Hemisphere”. This strategy is to achieve the objective of ensuring US dominance and the continuation of economic and political power predicated on the colonial and imperial model of extraction, which enabled what some call “western civilisation”. 

In the words of US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, at the Munich Security Conference, “For  the United States and Europe, we belong together…. We are part of one civilization – Western civilization. We are bound to one another by the deepest bonds that nations could share, forged  by centuries of shared history, Christian faith, culture, heritage, language, ancestry, and the  sacrifices our forefathers made together for the common civilization to which we have fallen  heir.. which gave the world the rule of law, the universities, and the scientific revolution.”

That analysis denies the genocide of indigenous people; it does not recognise that the development of Europe and the US was built on the backs of enslaved Africans; and that Britain exploited those who laboured under indentureship; it fails to consider the wealth extracted by colonial and imperial conquest; and it seeks to start world history with European enlightenment when there were advanced civilisations in Asia, Africa and the Americas centuries before.  Rubio’s statement is fundamentally racist and Eurocentric, and it rejects any other faith but  Christianity, when we in Trinidad and Tobago explicitly recognise our multi-cultural and multi-religious composition.  

However, this ahistorical treatise cannot be dismissed as it was the basis for the US State  Department’s document “Capital of 21st Century Communism Report”. Among other things, Nancy Pelosi's stories falsely claimed that Cuba is a national security threat to the US. This is then used to continue the crime of collective punishment of the Cuban people by the six-decade-long blockade and other actions, including the blockade of fuel.

Prime Minister, it must be restated that the blockade was always intended to punish the Cuban people in order to achieve a political outcome of regime change that the US desired. As the  April, 1960 Official Memorandum of then Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter American Affairs of the United States Department of State, Lester Mallory stated: The only  foreseeable means of alienating internal support is through disenchantment and disaffection  based on economic dissatisfaction and hardship… every possible means should be undertaken  promptly to weaken the economic life of Cuba… a line of action which, while as adroit and  inconspicuous as possible, makes the greatest inroads in denying money and supplies to Cuba, to  decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of  government.” 

It is therefore unconscionable for your Government to give support or succour to the US strategy of creating hunger and a humanitarian crisis. Successive Governments of Trinidad and Tobago,  including your own between 2010-2015, have always recognised and respected that every nation has the right to decide its own economic and political system and that people have the right to self-determination. It was therefore inappropriate for you to denounce the Cuban system at a major regional forum. That occurred at the February Heads of Government Summit when none other than Rubio was present.  

This has been followed up by other decisions that demonstrate that Trinidad and Tobago is  turning its back on Cuba. 

The decision not to agree with the Statement on Cuba issued by the CARICOM Council  on Foreign and Community Relations (COFCOR) at its May meeting, which statement  called for the ending of the Blockade by the US and the removal of Cuba from the list of  countries that engage in the state sponsorship of terrorism; 

The decision by Trinidad and Tobago to abstain on the vote at the UNGA at its meeting  of July 7th, 2026 on the Resolution tabled by Cuba calling on the US to end the Embargo;  

Prime Minister, in the event that you are unaware, we refer you to the findings of the Report by  the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’ Special Rapporteur on Cuba, which Report is  accessible on the website of the UNHRC –https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country reports/ahrc6329add1-visit-cuba-report-special-rapporteur-negative-impact 

One Report on that website, dated September 9th, 2026, stated: 

“UN human rights experts today condemned recent measures by the United States against Cuba, denouncing them as an attempt to alter the constitutional order of a sovereign State through threats and coercion. They urged the international community and civil society to act swiftly to prevent a “silent Gaza” from unfolding on the island... The humanitarian consequences are already unfolding into a full-blown crisis, threatening the rights to health, to life, to food and to development. Food must never be used as an instrument of political pressure. Measures that knowingly deprive a population of the means to survive strike at the most basic guarantees of the rights to life and diminish the core of human dignity,

The US’s unlawful unilateral coercive measures against Cuba contravene Article 2 of the UN  Charter, and form part of a broader regime-change strategy encompassing the decades-long embargo on Cuba. 

The US Government must cease all threats and hostile acts against Cuba's sovereignty and revoke all measures it has imposed on the country that stand contrary to international law…The  Security Council and General Assembly should urgently address these threats as a matter of  international peace and security” 

These are the indisputable facts. It is also significant that the US voted against the re-appointment of the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights at the July meeting of the UNGA.  It is also seeking to destroy the International Criminal Court (ICC) and has condemned the award of the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize to ICC Judge Navanethem “Navi” Pillay, who is South African of Asian descent and who defended Nelson Mandela. She was the United Nations High  Commissioner for Human Rights and, until recently, she chaired the UN Independent  International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Any international  institution critical of US foreign policy is not tolerated by Washington. We must always remember that the ICC was brought into existence through the tireless and courageous advocacy by the person whom you have publicly acknowledged as your political mentor - Trinidad and  Tobago’s former Prime Minister and President, ANR Robinson.  

The US actions against Cuba are unilateral, illegitimate and illegal. They amount to collective punishment, which is an international crime. In fact, what the US is doing is tantamount to genocide. There can be absolutely no good reason for your Government to abstain from  supporting Cuba’s Resolution or from being absent when the vote is taken at the UNGA. Indeed,  in recognition of the UN Charter, and having a moral responsibility to humanity, Trinidad and  Tobago MUST VOTE in support of the Resolution tabled by Cuba.  

Yours truly,

All Mansions of Rastafari
Amalgamated Workers’ Union
Banking Insurance and General Workers’ Union
Black Agenda Project
Organisation and the Nation of Islam Emancipation Support Committee
Caribbean Freedom Project
Communication Workers’ Union
Concerned Muslims of Trinidad and Tobago
Contractors and General Workers’ Union
Farmers’ Union of Trinidad and Tobago
Industrial and General Sanitation Workers’ Union
Movement for Social Justice
National Trade Union Centre 
Network of NGOs for the Advancement of Women Oilfields Workers’ Trade Union
Postal Workers’ Union of Trinidad and Tobago
Steel Workers’ Union of Trinidad and Tobago
Transport and Industrial Workers’ Union
Trinbago for Palestine
Trinidad and Tobago Friends of Cuba
Trinidad and Tobago National Nurses Association
Warao Community of San Fernando
Women Working for Social Progress

BOOKER OMOLE ACQUITTED ON ALL COUNTS!

THE PEOPLE HAVE WON A VICTORY. THE RUTO REGIME MUST ANSWER FOR ABDUCTION, TORTURE AND POLITICAL PERSECUTION!
CENTRAL ORGANISING COMMITTEE STATEMENT
22 OCTOBER 2026

TO THE WORKERS, PEASANTS, STUDENTS AND OPPRESSED PEOPLE OF KENYA
TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST AND WORKERS’ MOVEMENT

The Central Organising Committee of the Communist Party Marxist Kenya (CPMK) announces the acquittal of Comrade Booker Omole, General Secretary of our Party, on all counts in the criminal proceedings at Mavoko Law Courts.

On Friday, 16 October 2026, the Honourable Court acquitted Comrade Booker Omole on all counts. The ruling followed a prosecution whose case had been seriously undermined by the sworn affidavit of Andrew Amoth, the complainant and prosecution witness who withdrew his earlier complaint and statements. The Court also ordered the immediate return of the Party’s property, including KShs 319,000 held by the police.

This is a victory for Comrade Booker Omole. It is a victory for CPMK. It is a victory for the defence of democratic rights against the criminalisation of revolutionary politics.

But we shall not stop at celebrating the acquittal. We shall pursue accountability for the abduction, torture, unlawful detention and political persecution that preceded this courtroom victory.

The court has acquitted our General Secretary. The state must now answer for what was done to him.

1. FROM ABDUCTION IN ISIOLO TO ACQUITTAL IN MAVOKO

On 24 February 2026, Comrade Booker Omole was abducted in Isiolo by armed men in plain clothes. They seized him and transported him towards Nairobi. Their conduct, the circumstances of his seizure and their initial failure to identify themselves were part of a coercive operation that deprived our General Secretary of his liberty.

Comrade Omole was taken through several locations and detained at Mlolongo Police Station. There, he was tortured. He suffered physical injuries, including damage to his arm and tooth, as well as cuts to his fingers. His treatment was an assault on his person, his dignity and his fundamental rights.

The Party identifies Peter Mugambi, the Officer Commanding Station at Mlolongo Police Station, as the police officer directly responsible for the torture of our General Secretary. Mugambi must be held accountable for his actions. No police rank, uniform or official position can shield an individual from responsibility for unlawful violence.

Comrade Omole was incarcerated for more than four days before the subsequent court proceedings and his eventual release on bail. He was then forced to defend himself against grave criminal allegations that threatened his liberty, reputation and political work.

The charges included allegations involving firearms, ammunition, drugs and assaults against police officers. The prosecution attempted to present our General Secretary as a criminal rather than a revolutionary leader engaged in political organisation.

On 9 March 2026, Andrew Amoth submitted a sworn affidavit seeking to withdraw his complaint and statements. The contradictions and questions surrounding the prosecution case became a significant feature of the proceedings. On 16 October, the Court acquitted Comrade Omole on all counts. The sequence is clear: abduction, torture, prosecution and acquittal.

We shall not allow the violence that preceded this acquittal to disappear from public memory. Nor shall we allow the conclusion of the criminal case to become an escape route from accountability.

A revolutionary was abducted. A revolutionary was tortured. A revolutionary was prosecuted. A revolutionary was acquitted on every count. The demand for justice continues.

2. THE RUTO REGIME MUST ANSWER FOR THE CRIMINALISATION OF COMMUNISTS

The abduction and prosecution of Comrade Booker Omole must be understood in the context of the political character of the Kenyan state and the growing conflict between the interests of the ruling classes and the aspirations of the working people.

The Ruto administration presides over a social order marked by exploitation, economic hardship, imperialist domination and the concentration of political and economic power in the hands of privileged classes. CPMK challenges this order because it stands against the interests of workers and poor peasants.

Our Party organises the exploited. We expose the class character of state policy. We oppose imperialism, comprador domination and the exploitation of labour. We advance the National Democratic Revolution as a necessary stage in the struggle towards socialism. We do not apologise for this political line.

The state cannot defeat our ideas through argument, so the danger arises that coercive institutions will be used to intimidate those who organise around them. The prosecution of our General Secretary demonstrated how criminal accusations can be deployed against a revolutionary leader and used to create a public impression of criminality before the evidence has been properly tested.

We hold the Ruto administration politically responsible for the conduct of the state under its authority. We demand answers concerning the circumstances of the abduction, the torture inflicted upon our General Secretary, the conduct of the police operation and the prosecution that followed.

The acquittal does not, by itself, establish every element of political responsibility or determine the criminal liability of individual officials. Those matters must be addressed through proper investigations and lawful accountability processes. But neither can the acquittal erase the events that brought our General Secretary before the Court. The government must not hide behind the formal existence of judicial institutions while questions about the conduct of its own security agencies remain unanswered.

We reject the use of police power to settle political scores. We reject the use of criminal proceedings to intimidate revolutionaries. We reject the criminalisation of communists for organising the working class and the oppressed.

The right to organise, to speak, to assemble, to criticise the government and to advocate socialist transformation is not a favour granted by the ruling class. It is a democratic right that must be defended.

3. PETER MUGAMBI MUST BE HELD ACCOUNTABLE

The Central Organising Committee demands accountability for the torture of Comrade Booker Omole at Mlolongo Police Station. Peter Mugambi must not be permitted to use his position as Officer Commanding Station to escape scrutiny. The torture, the circumstances of detention, the injuries sustained by our General Secretary and the handling of seized property require an independent investigation.

We demand that the relevant authorities investigate the conduct of Mugambi and every other officer involved in the operation, detention and subsequent prosecution. Any officer found to have committed an offence must face the appropriate legal consequences.

We further demand the preservation and examination of relevant records, including custody registers, occurrence book entries, medical records, statements, property inventories and any available surveillance material. This is not a demand for vengeance. It is a demand for justice. A police officer who tortures a detainee violates the very principles that public authority is supposed to uphold. A police station must never become a place where constitutional rights are suspended and human dignity is destroyed. The Kenyan people must not be expected to trust institutions that refuse to investigate allegations of abuse within their own ranks.

There must be no impunity for torture. There must be no impunity for unlawful detention. There must be no impunity for the abuse of public office.

4. RETURN THE PARTY’S PROPERTY AND ACCOUNT FOR EVERY SHILLING

The Court ordered the immediate return of the Party’s property, including KShs 319,000 held by the police. We demand full and immediate compliance with that order. The retention of Party property has imposed an unnecessary burden upon our organisation and interfered with our legitimate political and organisational work. The property of a political party cannot be treated as the personal possession of police officers or retained without lawful justification.

The relevant authorities must ensure that every item covered by the order is returned and properly accounted for. Any discrepancies in the inventories, the seizure of property or the handling of the exhibits must be examined.

The return of property is not a favour. It is compliance with the law. We shall pursue the matter until the Court’s order is implemented and all outstanding questions concerning the seized property are addressed.

5. THE REGIME’S CHANGING TACTICS WILL NOT SEPARATE THE PARTY FROM THE MASSES

Comrade Booker Omole has warned that the political offensive against CPMK may increasingly take the form of smear campaigns intended to portray revolutionaries as criminals, drug traffickers, arms dealers or enemies of public order. The Party must take this danger seriously.

When a revolutionary organisation develops stronger links with workers, poor peasants, students and the oppressed, its enemies may attempt to isolate it by discrediting its leadership. Criminal accusations, sensational propaganda and the deliberate circulation of falsehoods can be used to frighten potential supporters and weaken public confidence in the Party.

The objective is to separate the Party from its popular base. The objective is to make workers afraid to organise with communists, peasants afraid to associate with revolutionaries, and young people afraid to participate in struggles for political and economic change. We shall not permit this strategy to succeed.

We shall answer falsehood with facts, intimidation with organisation, and political isolation with deeper mass work. We shall strengthen our presence in workplaces, rural communities, educational institutions and popular struggles.

Comrade Omole has also warned of possible attempts to introduce agents of hostile forces into Party structures and exploit internal divisions. The COC calls upon all cadres to remain vigilant and disciplined. Credible allegations must be examined through established Party processes, with evidence and due procedure. Suspicion must not become a weapon against innocent cadres, and internal disagreement must not be exploited to weaken collective organisation.

Our strongest defence against infiltration, opportunism and sabotage is a politically conscious membership, sound organisational practice, collective leadership, principled criticism and correction, and firm roots among the masses.

We shall neither abandon vigilance nor surrender our Party to factionalism.

6. THE WORKING CLASS AND POOR PEASANTS MUST TURN THIS VICTORY INTO ORGANISATION

The acquittal of our General Secretary is an important victory, but it cannot substitute for the wider struggle against exploitation and oppression.

The Kenyan masses continue to confront unemployment, low wages, the rising cost of living, landlessness, insecurity, inadequate public services and an economic system that places private accumulation above human need.

These conditions cannot be overcome by changing individual office holders while leaving the underlying class relations intact.

CPMK calls upon workers in factories, farms, transport, public services and the informal economy to strengthen their organisations and deepen their political consciousness.

We call upon poor peasants and rural communities to organise around land, livelihoods, food security and control over the resources upon which their lives depend.

We call upon students and unemployed youth to reject political passivity and participate actively in the struggle for a society that guarantees dignity, meaningful work and a future for the majority.

We call upon women, progressive professionals, cultural workers and all democratic forces to defend political freedoms and oppose the abuse of state power.

The Party must become stronger through its work among the people. Our cells must become centres of political education and organisation. Our cadres must learn from the concrete struggles of the masses. Our propaganda must explain the relationship between everyday suffering and the structures of class domination.

We must not merely speak in the name of the people. We must organise with the people, learn from the people and return to the people with a clearer political programme.

The answer to repression is greater organisation. The answer to exploitation is class struggle. The answer to political intimidation is a united and politically conscious people.

7. INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY MUST CONTINUE

The Central Organising Committee expresses its revolutionary gratitude to all communist and workers’ parties, trade unions, progressive organisations, lawyers, journalists and solidarity networks that supported the campaign for justice for Booker Omole.

Your solidarity helped sustain public attention during a difficult period. It demonstrated the importance of international working class unity in defending democratic rights.

But the acquittal does not conclude the campaign.

We call upon the international communist and workers’ movement to take the following actions:

1. Publicise the acquittal of Booker Omole on all counts and challenge any attempt to continue presenting him as guilty of the charges on which he was acquitted.

2. Demand an independent investigation into his abduction, torture and treatment in custody.

3. Call for accountability for Peter Mugambi and any other officers found responsible for unlawful conduct through a proper investigation and legal process.

4. Demand full compliance with the Court’s order concerning the return of Party property.

5. Issue statements condemning the criminalisation of revolutionary political activity and defending the constitutional rights of CPMK and the Kenyan working class.

6. Monitor and document further instances of alleged repression against communists, trade unionists, student activists and other progressive forces in Kenya.

7. Raise these matters through appropriate international labour, legal and human rights institutions.

8. Strengthen practical political solidarity with the Kenyan working class, poor peasants and progressive movements through exchanges, educational work and coordinated public campaigns.

We call upon our fraternal organisations not to allow the conclusion of the criminal proceedings to become a reason for silence. The acquittal is an occasion to intensify the demand for accountability and to defend the democratic rights of all those who challenge exploitation.

International solidarity is not charity. It is the organised expression of the common interests of working people across national boundaries.

An injury to one is an injury to all.

8. THE COMING POLITICAL STRUGGLES REQUIRE A STRONGER CPMK

As Kenya approaches the 2027 General Elections, the ruling classes will intensify their efforts to direct popular anger into competition between political factions that leave the existing economic order substantially untouched.

CPMK must intervene with an independent working class programme.

We must expose the class interests behind government policy. We must organise around the material needs of workers and peasants. We must defend democratic freedoms while advancing the National Democratic Revolution towards socialism.

The acquittal of our General Secretary must strengthen our resolve to build a mass based revolutionary organisation. It must deepen our commitment to cadre education, organisational discipline, democratic centralism and collective responsibility.

We shall defend every cadre against unlawful repression. We shall insist that every cadre, regardless of position, remains accountable to the Party’s collective processes. We shall strengthen unity on the basis of political principle and organisational discipline, not silence, personal loyalty or factional interests.

Our task is not simply to survive attacks. Our task is to build the political organisation capable of leading the working class and its allies in transforming Kenyan society.

We must emerge from this episode more organised, more politically conscious and more deeply rooted among the masses.

OUR DEMANDS

The Central Organising Committee of CPMK demands:

1. Full compliance with the Court’s order for the immediate return of Party property.

2. An independent investigation into the abduction and torture of Comrade Booker Omole.

3. Accountability for Peter Mugambi and every other official found responsible for unlawful conduct.

4. An end to the misuse of police powers and criminal proceedings for political intimidation.

5. Protection of the constitutional rights of communists, workers, peasants, students and all political organisations to organise, assemble, speak and mobilise peacefully.

6. An end to attempts to discredit revolutionary organisations through false or unsubstantiated criminal accusations.

7. Continued international scrutiny and solidarity in defence of democratic rights in Kenya.

8. A firm commitment by all relevant institutions to prevent the recurrence of abduction, torture and unlawful detention.

CONCLUSION: WE SHALL NOT BE SILENCED

Comrade Booker Omole has been acquitted on all counts. We celebrate this victory with the working people of Kenya and with comrades throughout the world who stood in solidarity.

But our struggle does not end in the courtroom.

The torture of our General Secretary demands accountability. The unlawful retention of Party property demands compliance with the Court’s order. The use of criminal proceedings against revolutionary leaders demands scrutiny. The broader struggle to defend democratic rights demands continued organisation and vigilance.

We shall not be intimidated into abandoning our convictions. We shall not be separated from the masses by smear campaigns. We shall not exchange our political independence for permission to organise.

We shall continue to organise workers. We shall continue to mobilise poor peasants. We shall continue to educate the youth. We shall continue to oppose imperialist domination and exploitation. We shall continue advancing the National Democratic Revolution towards a truly independent socialist Kenya.

The ruling class may command the police, but it cannot permanently suppress the material contradictions that drive the people towards struggle.

The ruling class may circulate accusations, but it cannot make falsehood a substitute for evidence.

The ruling class may attempt to isolate revolutionaries, but the strength of a revolutionary Party lies in its organised relationship with the masses.

We call upon every cadre, every worker, every poor peasant, every progressive student and every international comrade to turn this victory into renewed organisation and determined political action.

BOOKER OMOLE HAS BEEN ACQUITTED ON ALL COUNTS!

ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE TORTURE OF BOOKER OMOLE!

HANDS OFF CPMK!

END THE CRIMINALISATION OF COMMUNISTS!

DEFEND THE DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS OF THE WORKING CLASS!

WORKERS AND PEASANTS OF KENYA, ORGANISE!

LONG LIVE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM!

LONG LIVE THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION!

LONG LIVE THE STRUGGLE FOR A TRULY INDEPENDENT SOCIALIST KENYA!

ISSUED BY THE CENTRAL ORGANISING COMMITTEE

COMMUNIST PARTY MARXIST KENYA (CPMK)

22 OCTOBER 2026

Beyond the World Cup: A Retrospective of the Boycott Campaign

Beyond the World Cup: A Retrospective of the Boycott Campaign

“Release of the Boycott in Review”

By now, it’s clear that tightened coordination of our principled anti-imperialist resistance is required to effectively counter the state’s tactics to destabilize, divide, isolate, and intimidate our struggle for People(s)-Centered Human Rights. The recent Anti-Fascist Football Coalition Campaign to Boycott the 2026 World Cup not only led to deepened collaboration and unified efforts, but evidenced a trajectory of mass mobilization that, when politically grounded, broadened our base to reject the efforts of the U.S. state to normalize genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

Now, with the Olympics slated to take place in Los Angeles in 2028, the reality of U.S.-led genocide, violence, and repression continues to be exposed with the settler state’s ongoing human rights violations across the globe, rejection of international law, and track record of targeting of athletes from oppressed and colonized nations who compete in events on U.S. soil. To strengthen the North-South Project for People(s)-Centered Human Rights’ ability to more effectively resist U.S. efforts to undermine human rights and international law domestically and globally with mechanisms like National Security Presidential Memorandum 7 (NSPM-7), the Project  has been engaging in retrospective and current analysis  to build on the momentum and coalitional work of the Campaign.

The “Boycott in Review” provides an overview of the Campaign’s political work that, when investigated, informs our next steps in collectively fighting back against U.S. rogue statism and toward efforts that advance People(s)-Centered Human Rights.

Share widely, initiate discussions, and get involved by joining the Global Network for the Advancement of People(s)-Centered Human Rights.

Don't Bring None of Your Anti Anti-Imperialist Bullshit to Cuba

Don't Bring None of Your Anti Anti-Imperialist Bullshit to Cuba

Published in Black Agenda Report.

Empire taught us what to believe about the Global South. It also taught us how to move through it, and being colonized here does not exempt us from carrying those beliefs with us.

Cuba introduced itself to us before anyone else could.

We walked out of the airport with over a hundred suitcases and boxes of material aid in tow. I took it all in — the Caribbean sun on my skin and the humid air as it reached my lungs. We heard music blasting somewhere on the street and saw people socializing outside, in front of beautiful architecture with splashes of color that made the city look alive and vibrant.

Then, that ninety-degree sun got a little hotter. As we moved through the city, I noticed the beautiful buildings in disrepair. We saw streets full of homes with solar panels to power them when the electrical grid fails. And I realized the people outside weren't only socializing. They were also trying to manage the heat that undoubtedly builds up inside their homes.

Next, I noticed the trash piled up on the corners. I'd read about this before I arrived, but the magnitude of the problem hit me hard. The oil blockade touches every part of Cuban life. It even keeps the country from fueling its garbage collection.

Soon, other brigadistas with the Venceremos Brigade who, like me, were traveling to Cuba for the first time came to the same realizations. When we reached our accommodations, we immediately experienced a lack of water and electricity, and for the next several days we had to ration and organize our time around the availability of both. This is when we came face to face with a small sample of the cruel conditions inflicted on the country by the country we live in.

Knowing what is happening in Cuba is not the same as being confronted with its reality.

We were trained to be introspective, challenge our assumptions about Cuba, and engage with principle. So we spent the trip trying not to move through the country the way USians usually move through the world. 

Being a captured African in the United States means that I have developed many of the bad habits taught to us by this soulless empire. An empire that teaches us that the Global South is run by savages and authoritarians. We carry those behaviors around the world —  individualism,  entitlement,  judgment, and cultural disruption. But we think our position as an oppressed and internally colonized people makes us different. It doesn't. Not only do we bring the nasty habits with us, we also bring the trauma of our oppression. We measure our experiences in other countries against our experiences in U.S. society rather than understanding a nation for what it is.

As soon as we arrived at the airport, the first thing I noticed was the presence of Cuban military personnel in civilian or what we would consider basic law enforcement roles. The customs agents. The security who waved us through the scanners. The person managing the lines at arrivals. Bag checkers as we left the airport. The shock of it froze me. I struggled to speak to the customs agent. I wanted to walk away from the person directing us to the appropriate line. I felt my heart race as I waited for someone to finish looking at our bags as we walked out the door.

I was shocked by my shock. I realized I was flinching at something that posed no threat to me. I knew the nature of the Cuban military was very different than what we have in the U.S. And yet…

My experience in the U.S. is one of colonial occupation. A domestic military roams the streets looking for reasons to kill us, or lock us up in prison to destabilize our communities and exploit our labor. And the U.S. wages that same kind of terror around the world using its armed forces.

My strong disdain for the U.S. military and my general discomfort around its personnel carried over with me as I entered Cuba. I wasn't even there for an hour and already had to check myself.

Mani, don't bring none of your bullshit with you here. Leave it in the States.

The feeling of distrust and discomfort hit me hard. I didn't know what to do with those feelings. And honestly, I still don't. Being in Cuba didn't eliminate the discomfort, but I learned to sit with it instead of turning it into an indictment of the nation.

On that first day, we began to see the gap between our experience and the real lives of Cubans: relatively comfortable housing, bottled water, and food prepared for us. While we had to quickly adapt to an environment most of us had never experienced, we knew it wasn't permanent. We would be leaving after two weeks. Our Cuban family would not.

As the days went on, we also learned that the staff faced infrastructure failures so severe that they often slept there rather than going home. The location had access to electricity at times when they had none where they lived. They could rest in relatively cool air instead of temperatures that reached 100 degrees inside many Cuban homes at night.

The staff's personal stories reflect what Cubans across the country deal with every day, worsening steadily over the decades.

As much as we discuss the impact of the blockade, we should also make clear the country's successes under this assault. This is not to romanticize the steadfastness of the Cuban people or blindly praise the resilience of the Cuban revolution. Suffering is not something you can wave away because the people experiencing it are resilient. They are human beings forced to live in inhumane conditions. But they have to survive. The structures built by the revolution sustain the island under extreme stress, and the commitment to defending that revolution keeps it going.

The Cuban medical system is one example of those successes. The care demonstrated by medical professionals and those who work in medical sciences shows what can be done when there is political will.

At one point, we held a discussion with medical technologists who design and produce diagnostic tools, and the equipment needed to conduct those tests and treat the conditions they reveal. I stood up and told them something that visibly shocked them. I spoke about the plight of African/Black women in the U.S. as they deal with the medical system, raising the issue of fibroids and ovarian cysts — pain, infertility,  permanent hormonal changes to their bodies, and how little the U.S. system does about any of it.

Crickets.

That revelation gave them pause, and they took a few seconds to gather themselves and answer my question about how their diagnostic tools help catch and treat these conditions early.

The shock wave in that room told me something. People living under the barbarity of U.S. empire still had room to be appalled at what this country does to African/Black women. That is what Cuba's dedication to internationalist struggle and African liberation looks like among the people.

In this, Cuba has been consistent for decades, never switching up.

We saw it in the battle to liberate Angola, where over 300,000 Cuban troops fought alongside Angolans against the apartheid South African state. At Cuito Cuanavale, they broke the apartheid army's momentum and pushed the regime closer to its end. 

We saw it in the steadfast protection of our beloved now-ancestor Assata Shakur, who Cuba took into its home and kept there through decades of U.S. pressure. She died in Havana on September 25, 2025. Still in exile, still protected.

And we saw it in Cuba's offer of aid to African/Black communities after Hurricane Katrina in 2005, including more than 1,500 medical professionals. An offer that then-president George Bush rejected, while African/Black people were being packed into deplorable "shelters" like sardines, left to die on their rooftops, and hunted by white barbarians in the streets. Cuba turned that rejected contingent into a permanent brigade, the Henry Reeve Brigade, which travels the world doing disaster relief to this day.

Speaking with these professionals brought me to the awful realization that the blockade forces a medical system to betray itself and the people it works so hard to protect. Decades of research and a commitment to the public health of all Cubans created a health care system better than the one we have in the U.S. And still, according to the Cuban Ministry of Public Health, over 100,000 people are waiting for surgery, including 10,000–12,000 children.

The backlog of medical care in Cuba is not just an effect of the blockade. It is the intent. The U.S. means to deconstruct Cuba piece by piece and rebuild it in its own image.

The decades-long mass psychological warfare campaign against Cuba and communism broadly, supported by military aggression and a cruel web of sanctions, is working. It instilled in us a belief that the country is so corrupt that sanctions are the only way to ensure peace. Yes, we've been convinced that starving people is the best way to improve a country's conditions. The U.S. created those conditions it now claims to be saving the people from.

An ass backward ideology for an ass backward nation.

The thing is, for the U.S., this inhumanity is the way to achieve peace. "Peace through strength," as they say. Which really means peace through terror. Peace through destruction. To an empire like the U.S., peace is subservience and fealty. It is shut up and do what I say, or I will slap you into next week with hundreds of sanctions.

Foreign policy is bipartisan, and Cuba is the clearest evidence. Three presidents from the two dominant political parties carry the same policy on Cuba. Under Obama, the FBI made Assata Shakur the first woman ever named to its Most Wanted Terrorists list. The bounty on her reached $2 million, which reinforced the ridiculous idea that Cuba is a terrorist-supporting nation. But then, that same administration later removed Cuba from the State Sponsors of Terrorism (SSOT) list in an effort to give U.S. corporations more access to the island. Donald Trump put Cuba back on the SSOT list, scaled up the propaganda, and escalated tensions by tightening sanctions and restricting travel. He targeted Cuba’s financial sector in an attempt to cripple the economy. Biden imposed additional sanctions on Cuban officials and entities, saying “this is just the beginning.” Then, he performatively took Cuba off the list days before leaving office on January 14, 2025. Trump reinstated it almost immediately and escalated again with a steady stream of military threats and barbaric sanctions on every sector of Cuban society. Nothing about Cuba changed in those few days, but that wasn't the point.

The designation is a political tool, deployed according to the desires of whoever is holding it. And here we are now. Another sanctions package on September 3. Marco Rubio is running around like a deranged mascot for the genocidal blockade, while the Cuba solidarity movement gets hunted at home.

So, Mani, since you got your degrees and you know everything, what do we do? Good question.

It's a question I can't give a concrete answer to other than this: it's time to get serious.

Commit ourselves to internationalist politics. The absurd belief that what happens in other countries isn’t our concern can’t be allowed to grow, especially when it comes from other African/Black people. We have watched this reactionary thinking spread for years, led in part by the ADOS and FBA blacks who want to disconnect us from our African lineage and from international politics altogether. They will walk us off a cliff if it means getting white applause. They must meet resistance.

Remember that anger or grief is not solidarity. Solidarity is a practice.

No more superficial and vague marches. Be bold and precise in our demands.

Listen to the mandate given to us by the Cuban people — use our position in the belly of the beast to attack it from within.

Travel to Cuba if you can. Join the Venceremos Brigade, the oldest brigade still in existence. Learn what is happening to Cuba and the long history of the Cuban revolution. Engage in good faith with a sober mind. Do not bring your baggage from the U.S. to the island. 

Join the National Network on Cuba and organize with specific, tangible objectives to directly support Cubans with material aid and strengthen the solidarity movement. More importantly, use the information and clarity you gain from our Cuban comrades and put it to good use in your movement work.

Put your internationalist solidarity to work and tap in with the campaign to make our Americas a Zone of Peace. Join the U.S./NATO out of Our Americas Network and organize to kick U.S. and Western imperialism and savagery out of this region. 

Finally, understand (and I cannot stress this enough) that the struggle to liberate Cuba from the imperialist genocidal blockade of U.S. empire is also a struggle to liberate ourselves.

Imani Nile is the assistant to BAR's Executive Editor, a proud member of the Black Alliance for Peace (BAP) NYC/NJ, and the BAP Communications Team Lead. She works in movement communications and media.

Grounded in Anti-Imperialism: “Together and Only Together, Do We Win”

Grounded in Anti-Imperialism: “Together and Only Together, Do We Win”

Joint Statement on UNGA and Pledge to Act: Sept. 22 - Nov. 11

SIGN ON: https://bit.ly/sept-nov-actions-pledge
22 September 2026

World leaders gathered for the opening of the UN General Assembly on September 8 in New York. The High-Level Week and General Debate runs from September 22 to 28 under the theme "Restoring trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that works for all."  As heads of state convene to discuss “sustainable development, climate action, peace, and security,” the U.S. and its vassal states will showcase their claims to upholding human rights while actively dismantling them at home and abroad. However, we understand that the state’s intensifying warfare will only breed deeper resistance among the masses of people unwilling to succumb to the U.S. imperialist-fascist playbook. 

The U.S. state’s agenda, in its own words, is global full-spectrum domination. This includes the criminalization of dissent. The legal and policy architecture of this repression is codified through instruments like NSPM-7, the "Ministerial on the Resurgence of Political Terrorism."  It is systematically constructed to criminalize dissent, target leftists, anti-imperialists, and oppressed peoples' liberation movements. Its purpose is to dismantle internationalist solidarity organizing through coordinated federal prosecution, surveillance, and ideological warfare. 

These threats and material consequences echo past episodes of "red scare" repression from the McCarthy era to COINTELPRO. Today, these are evidenced in the recent State Department Report on Cuba and cases like the Prairieland defendants, Minnesota 15, and Michigan 8. The U.S. ruling class is continuing its assault on our human rights on a global scale, in its quest to continue draining and  accumulating capital in the way it has been accustomed for centuries, with the determination to neutralize anything and anyone in its path. 

We will not allow the U.S. Epstein class to bulldoze racialized and working class lives to serve ruling class wealth. We will not allow the U.S. to attack life on this planet and the planet itself, according to white supremacist definitions of who and what holds value. The inextricable link of the U.S. war at home and the U.S. wars abroad are crystal clear - not only because these war crimes are being waged by a common enemy, but because they require our collective resistance to struggle for People(s)-Centered Human Rights. Succinctly stated by former political prisoner Georges Abdallah, “Together, and only together, do we win.” 

U.S. aggression is rampant domestically and abroad and includes:  

• The U.S. and Israel are approaching three years of a barbaric genocide in Palestine with tandem assaults on Lebanon and Yemen; 

• The U.S. kidnapped the sitting President and First Combatant of Venezuela while bombing its capital region in an attempt to derail the Bolivarian Revolution; 

• The U.S. is piling on new unilateral economic coercive measures in its genocide against the Cuban people, after decades of a brutal blockade designed to bring about regime change; 

• The U.S. is attacking Iran and its civilian infrastructure (alongside a decades-old sanctions regime) in an unprovoked war to destabilize and control the region as it tries to stave off inevitable imperialist decline geopolitically, now looking to occupied South Korea for a military bailout; 

• The U.S. continues its centuries-old intervention and decades-old occupation of  Haiti, deploying proxy forces to forcefully silence and neutralize the will of the Haitian people; 

• The U.S. is funding and spearheading assaults in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo in an ongoing genocide of their people for the extraction and accumulation of resources; 

• The U.S. is using its colonial military in Puerto Rico to occupy 2,000 miles of beaches in Cabo Rojo for a “luxury” colonial development project, Esencia, to benefit the corporate elite, while Puerto Ricans on the archipelago go days without water; 

• The U.S. imperialist militarization continues in the Philippines as part of its efforts to surround and neutralize China; More recently, it has moved to displace thousands of indigenous people to build an AI hub for its newfound alliance, Pax Silica.

• The U.S. utilizes its colonizer status over the Virgin Islands to maintain captivity of political prisoners, the Virgin Island 3; 

• The U.S. is building structures like the Shield of the Americas as part of its renewed Monroe Doctrine, to consolidate right-wing influence, power, and militarization across the Western hemisphere to quell the will of the people. This operation, along with recent U.S.-backed electoral coups in the region, stepped-up intervention in México and Brazil, and renewed attacks on Nicaragua, poses a threat to all Latin American and Caribbean nations.

• Domestically, the same U.S. forces use the same sham justifications of “security” and “terrorism” to broaden its  violent tactics of repression, criminalization, detention, surveillance, occupation, dehumanization, and colonization, all accompanied by psychological warfare. And this is not a full compilation of U.S.-led aggression and violence. 

These are not separate wars against colonized and oppressed people and national sovereignty, but different prongs of the same war waged by the United States to uphold its hegemony. This is the reality of U.S. imperialism, and as such, we re-ground in an anti-imperialist approach to disrupt, challenge, and ultimately defeat the global systems of oppression. 

We understand that, as the US empire is challenged, it clings tighter to fascism and extreme violence in order to maintain power. Historically, falling empires have done the same. But history also reveals that a unified force driven by the masses can defeat violent systems of oppression.As the United Nations General Assembly debates begin on September 22, we call on heads of state to uphold their commitments under international law and the UN Charter, including the principles of sovereign equality, non-intervention, and the prohibition of aggression, and to end the impunity and hold the U.S. imperialist and Zionist states accountable for their decades-long violations. 

We call on all organizations and people of conscience to engage in actions of mass resistance in coordination with anti-fascist and anti-imperialist forces on the ground, from September 22 through November 11, Armistice Day. This includes mobilizations around the annual vote at the UN to end the genocidal blockade on Cuba as well as those organizing to address the likelihood of increased fascist attacks on our working class Black, Brown, immigrant and Indigenous communities around the November 4th mid-term elections. 

Endorse this joint statement and sign the pledge here to mobilize against U.S. fascism and imperialism, and its detrimental and irreversible impacts on life across the globe. Organize a picket, teach-in, or protest in your neighborhood. Plug into multiple actions in your region using this calendar and, if you haven’t yet, join an organization. Our collective resistance must be coordinated, organized, and strategic. Together, and only together, do we win. 

SIGN ON: https://bit.ly/sept-nov-actions-pledge 

No War on Venezuela, Coordinating Team:

Black Alliance for Peace, United National Antiwar Coalition, U.S. Peace Council, Alliance for Global Justice, Venezuela Solidarity Network, Diaspora Pa’lante Collective, National Students for Justice in Palestine, Resist U.S.-Led War Movement, Veterans For Peace, Antiwar Action Network, Workers World Party

Déclaration de Zone de Paix

Déclaration de Zone de Paix

La Havane, Cuba | Août 2026

Comité de pilotage populaire pour une zone de paix dans notre Amérique

Résumé

Les organisations, mouvements sociaux et réseaux de base réunies à La Havane, Cuba, du 15 au 17

août 2026 dans le cadre de la « Campagne pour une zone de paix dans notre Amérique »,

commémorons le XIIème anniversaire de la Proclamation de l’Amérique latine et des Caraïbes comme

Zone de paix, adoptée lors du IIème Sommet de la Communauté d’États latino-américains et caraïbes

(CELAC) en 2014 ainsi que le concept qui lui précède de Caraïbes zone de paix proposé par Maurice

Bishop en 1980. Nous réaffirmons que cette déclaration est totalement d’actualité, et que l’engagement

de nos peuples pour garantir le respect de ce principe fondamental est inconditionnel.

L’actuelle Campagne pour une zone de paix dans notre Amérique, lancée le 4 avril 2023 en simultané

depuis La Havane à Cuba, Port-au-Prince en Haïti et Washington D.C aux États-Unis, survient comme

une réponse face à la menace croissante que constitue l’impérialisme états-unien pour la paix, la

souveraineté, l’auto-détermination, l’auto-défense, et la lutte populaire de nos peuples. Nous nous

réunissons à Cuba pour commémorer le Centenaire du Commandant en chef Fidel Castro Ruz, dont la

vision d’unité de l’Amérique latine et des Caraïbes continue de nous inspirer et de nous guider dans la

lutte pour une région libre d’ingérences, de militarisation et de domination impérialiste. Nous saluons

l’initiative et l’accueil chaleureux du peuple cubain qui prouve une fois de plus sa solidarité

internationaliste. En réponse à l’augmentation des attaques violentes de la part du gouvernement des

États-Unis d’Amérique contre la souveraineté de Cuba et son peuple, cette invitation se centre en

particulier sur la coordination de terrain et la nécessaire communication avec les organisations de base

de Cuba afin de faire face à ces formes létales de militarisation états-unienne -que ce soit au niveau

économique, politique, social et militaire- dans la lignée des principes de la Révolution cubaine.

Contexte politique des Amériques

Dans notre contexte politique actuel, l’administration de Donald Trump avec son secrétaire d’État

Marco Rubio à la tête du scénario d’agression contre notre paix régionale, fait revivre les pires

cauchemars de la Doctrine Monroe, en prétendant exercer un contrôle hégémonique sur Notre

Amérique et en travaillant au service des ambitions néo-colonialistes des USA et de ses alliés. Cela

inclut le « Bouclier des Amériques », une infâme initiative multinationale de coopération militaire qui

dissimule en réalité une stratégie d’intervention militaire, de contrôle territorial et de recolonisation de

nos nations, et constitue une violation de l’esprit et de la lettre de la Proclamation de Zone de paix.

D’un autre côté, nous assistons à une réorganisation de la droite et du néo-fascisme dans la région, ce

qui se traduit par des gouvernements et des forces politiques qui alignent leurs politiques avec les

intérêts de l’impérialisme états-unien. Les États-Unis ont renforcé de manière significative leur

présence militaire dans les Caraïbes et le Pacifique latino-américain avec le déploiement de navires de

guerre, avions de chasse et forces spéciales. De manières différentes, cette extension militaire a été

particulièrement forte à Porto Rico, en Équateur, en Haïti, en République Dominicaine et au Panama.

Près de 15.000 soldats états-uniens ont été déployés dans les Caraïbes, soit l’un des déploiements les

plus importants des dernières décennies dans la région. Plus encore, le blocus économique,

commercial, financier et énergétique imposé par les États-Unis contre Cuba s’est intensifié suite aux

ordres exécutifs qui augmentent sont caractère extra-territorial. Cela a provoqué une situation de

précarité dans la vie du peuple cubain, qui traverse aujourd’hui l’un des moments les plus difficiles de

l’histoire de sa glorieuse Révolution.

À partir de ces éléments de contexte, nous affirmons que :

 Nous nous solidarisons avec le peuple de Cuba face aux conséquences de cette

politique états-unienne impériale et génocide, et nous rejetons l’accusation contre le leader

de la Révolution cubaine et Général des Armées Raul Castro comme une violation du droit

international ; les récents ordres exécutifs et la position des tribunaux adoptés par

l’administration Trump qui violent le droit international ainsi que le rapport qui vient d’être publié

par le Département d’État des USA, intitulé « Cuba : la capitale du communisme du XXIème

siècle », qui cherche à menacer la paix, la collaboration internationale et la fraternité entre les

peuples.

 Nous dénonçons les exécutions extra-judiciaires dans les Caraïbes et le Pacifique ainsi

que la continuation d’une occupation silencieuse en Haïti, présentées comme faisant partie de

la supposée lutte contre le terrorisme et le narcotrafic par les agences états-uniennes.

 Nous appelons toutes les forces progressistes des Caraïbes et du Pacifique à soutenir,

rejoindre et encourager le processus visant l’obtention pour les nations caribéennes restantes

d’une indépendance politique totale et d’une intégration régionale totalement souveraine.

 Nous refusons la présence du commandement Sud (SOUTHCOM) et de l’OTAN dans la

région, ainsi que son bras fasciste impérialiste qui se fait appeler « Bouclier des

Amériques » et nous appelons les peuples de Notre Amérique à s’organiser pour y résister.

 Nous dénonçons ces exercices militaires et l’augmentation de la militarisation de nos

territoires qui convertissent la région en champ de bataille et mettent en danger la stabilité et le

maintien de la région comme Zone de paix.

 Nous condamnons l’agression militaire contre la République Bolivarienne du Venezuela

et nous exigeons fermement la libération du Président constitutionnel de la République

Bolivarienne du Venezuela séquestré, Nicolás Maduro Moros ainsi que de la Première

combattante Cilia Flores, de la part des forces militaires états-uniennes.

 Nous dénonçons les attaques juridiques (sanctions) et médiatiques contre l’Institut

cubain pour l’amitié entre les peuples (ICAP), les membres de son personnel et ses activités

solidaires, ainsi que l’accusation de « terrorisme » visant à précariser la solidarité internationale.

 Nous défendons la souveraineté de l’ensemble des pays de la région avec une attention

particulière à la souveraineté de Cuba, du Venezuela et du Nicaragua.

Notre devoir d’organisation

Étant donnés la conjoncture politique actuelle et l’état de l’assaut impérialiste contre les peuples des

Amériques et du monde, il est clair que la paix est un pré-requis à la survie humaine et de la planète.

La Tradition de paix radicale noire maintient que la paix n’est pas l’absence de conflit, mais plutôt

l’obtention par la lutte populaire et l’auto-défense d’un monde libéré de l’oppression interconnectée et

intersectionnelle. Nous pouvons ainsi garantir et récupérer le développement d’une Zone de paix

depuis les peuples vers les centres de pouvoir, sur la base de la lutte contre l’impérialisme, le

militarisme, la suprématie blanche, le patriarcat et autres structures d’oppression. La garantie d’une

Zone de paix depuis les peuples suppose une vision du respect des Droits humains centrés sur les

peuples, l’anti-colonialisme et l’anti-impérialisme, la défaire de la suprématie blanche et du patriarcat, et

le développement d’une paix véritable et juste.

En ayant en vue les défis de notre région, nous appelons les forces du continent à établir trois priorités

définitives pour aller vers une Zone de paix garantie par la lutte contre l’impérialisme et le militarisme

états-unien :

1. Défendre Cuba et sa Révolution contre la guerre impérialiste.

2. Expulser les bases, installations et enclaves militaires étrangères ; et retirer les troupes

d’occupation étrangères.

3. Lutter -par l’intégration et la mobilisation- pour la libération définitive de tous les territoires

occupés et pour l’obtention de leur souveraineté, leur auto-détermination et leur indépendance

nationale, en mettant l’accent sur l’engagement avec l’auto-détermination de tous les pays

caribéens de langue créole, anglaise, espagnole, française et néerlandaise, comme élément clé

permettant d’avancer dans la décolonisation de toute la région.

NOUS RÉAFFIRMONS NOTRE SOLIDARITÉ AVEC L’ENSEMBLE DES PEUPLES DE LA RÉGION

QUI RÉSISTENT FACE À L’AGRESSION IMPÉRIALISTE.

NON À LA GUERRE CONTRE CUBA !

VIVE NOTRE AMÉRIQUE COMME ZONE DE PAIX ! VIVE L’UNITÉ ENTRE NOS PEUPLES !

Proclamé à La Havane, Cuba, le 17 août 2026.

Declaración de Zona de Paz

Declaración de Zona de Paz

La Habana,Cuba | Agosto 2026
Comité Directivo Popular por una Zona de Paz en Nuestra América 

Resumen

Las organizaciones, movimientos sociales y redes de base aquí reunidas en La Habana, Cuba, del 15 al 17 de agosto de 2026, en el marco de la “Campaña por una Zona de Paz en Nuestra América”, conmemoramos el XII aniversario de la Proclama de América Latina y el Caribe como Zona de Paz, adoptada en la II Cumbre de la Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños (CELAC) en 2014, tanto como su concepto anterior del Caribe como Zona de Paz de Maurice Bishop en 1980. Reafirmamos la plena vigencia de esa declaratoria y el compromiso irrestricto de nuestros pueblos de garantizar el respeto hacia ese principio fundamental.

La actual Campaña por una Zona de Paz en Nuestra América – lanzada el 4 de abril de 2023 simultáneamente en La Habana, Cuba; Puerto Príncipe, Haití; y Washington D.C., EE. UU. – surge como respuesta a la creciente amenaza que representa el imperialismo estadounidense para la paz, la soberanía, la autodeterminación y autodefensa, y la lucha popular de nuestros pueblos. Nos reunimos en Cuba para conmemorar el Centenario del Comandante en Jefe Fidel Castro Ruz, cuya visión de unidad latinoamericana y caribeña nos inspira y guía en la lucha por una región libre de injerencias, militarización y dominación imperialista. Saludamos la iniciativa y la cálida acogida del pueblo cubano, que una vez más demuestra su solidaridad internacionalista. En respuesta a los crecientes ataques violentos del gobierno de Estados Unidos contra la soberanía de Cuba y su pueblo, esta convocatoria en particular se centra en la coordinación sobre el terreno y la comunicación necesaria con organizaciones de base en Cuba para hacer frente a estas formas letales de militarización estadounidense —económica, política, social y militarmente— en línea con los principios de la Revolución Cubana.

Contexto Político en las Américas 

En nuestro contexto político actual, la administración de Donald Trump, con el secretario de Estado Marco Rubio a la cabeza del más reciente escenario de ataque a nuestra paz regional, ha reactivado los peores fantasmas de la Doctrina Monroe, pretendiendo ejercer un control hegemónico sobre Nuestra América y operando al servicio de las ambiciones neocolonialistas de EE. UU. y sus socios. Esto incluye el “Escudo de las Américas”, una infame iniciativa multinacional de cooperación militar que encubre en realidad una estrategia de intervención militar, control territorial y recolonización de nuestras naciones, y representa una violación del espíritu y la letra de la Proclama de Zona de Paz. 

Al lado de esto, asistimos a una reorganización de la derecha y el neofascismo en la región, que se expresa en gobiernos y fuerzas políticas que alinean sus políticas con los intereses del imperialismo estadounidense. Estados Unidos ha reforzado significativamente su presencia militar en el Caribe y el Pacífico latinoamericano con buques, aviones de combate y fuerzas especiales. De distintas formas, esta extensión militar ha sido muy fuerte específicamente en Puerto Rico, Ecuador, Haití, República Dominicana y Panamá. Alrededor de 15.000 soldados estadounidenses están desplegados en el Caribe, en uno de los mayores despliegues en la región en décadas. Sobre todo, el bloqueo económico, comercial, financiero y energético impuesto por Estados Unidos contra Cuba se ha recrudecido mediante órdenes ejecutivas que intensifican su carácter extraterritorial. Esto ha originado una situación de precariedad en la vida del pueblo cubano, el cual vive uno de los momentos más difíciles en la historia de su gloriosa Revolución. 

Con todo esto contexto, pronunciamos las siguientes posturas:

• Nos solidarizamos con el pueblo de Cuba ante las consecuencias de esta imperial y genocida política estadounidense y denunciamos la acusación contra el líder de la Revolución Cubana y General del Ejército Raúl Castro como una violación del derecho internacional, tanto como las recientes órdenes ejecutivas y posturas judiciales adoptadas por la administración Trump que violan el derecho internacional y el informe más reciente publicado por el Departamento de Estado de EE. UU., titulado "Cuba: La Capital del Comunismo del Siglo XXI", que pretende amenazar es la paz, la colaboración internacional, y la fraternidad entre los pueblos.

• Denunciamos las ejecuciones extrajudiciales en el Caribe y el Pacifico, tanto como la continuación de una ocupación no nombrada de Haiti, presentadas como parte de la falsa lucha contra el terrorismo y el narcotráfico de agencias estadounidenses.

• Llamamos a todas las fuerzas progresistas del Caribe para que apoyen, alcancen y lideren el proceso para que las naciones caribeñas restantes alcancen la plena independencia política y la integración regional con soberanía.

• Rechazamos la presencia del Comando Sur y la OTAN en la región, tanto como el brazo fascista imperialista bajo la denominación de  "El Escudo de las Américas" y llamamos a los pueblos de Nuestra América a organizarse para resistirlos.

• Denunciamos estos ejercicios militares y la creciente militarización de nuestros territorios, que convierten a la región en un escenario de conflicto y ponen en peligro la estabilidad y el mantenimiento del área como Zona de Paz.

• Condenamos la agresión militar a la República Bolivariana de Venezuela y exigimos firmemente la libertad del secuestrado Presidente Constitucional de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela Nicolás Maduro Moros, junto a la Primera Combatiente Cilia Flores, por parte de fuerzas militares estadounidenses.

• Denunciamos los ataques jurídicas (sanciones) y mediáticos contra el Instituto Cubano de Amistado con los Pueblos (ICAP) y sus funcionarios y actividades solidarias, tanto como el uso del cargo del “terrorismo” para precarizar la solidaridad internacional.  

• Defendemos la soberanía de todos los países de la región con especial atención a la soberanía de Cuba, Venezuela y Nicaragua.

Deberes organizativos

Comprendiendo la coyuntura política actual y el estado del asalto imperialista contra los pueblos de las Américas y el mundo, está claro que la paz es un requisito para la supervivencia humana y planetaria. La Tradición de la Paz Radical Negra sostiene que la paz no es la ausencia de conflicto, sino el logro, mediante la lucha popular y la autodefensa, de un mundo liberado de la opresión interconectada e interseccional. Así garantizamos y recuperamos el desarrollo de una Zona de Paz desde los pueblos hacia los centros del poder, con la lucha contra el imperialismo, el militarismo, la supremacía blanca, el patriarcado, y las demás estructuras de opresión. La garantía de una Zona de Paz, desde los pueblos, exige un enfoque del respeto de los Derechos Humanos Centrados en los Pueblos, el anticolonialismo y el antiimperialismo, la derrota de la supremacía blanca y el patriarcado, y el desarrollo de una paz verdadera y justa. 

Con mirada a los desafíos de nuestra región, llamamos a las fuerzas del continente para tomar tres  prioridades definitivas hacia una Zona de Paz garantizada por la lucha contra el imperialismo y militarismo estadounidense:

1. Defender a Cuba y su Revolución contra la guerra imperialista

2. Expulsar bases, instalaciones y enclaves militares extranjeros; y retirar las tropas de ocupación extranjeras.

3. Luchar – a través de la integración y la movilización – por la liberación definitiva de todos los territorios ocupados y por el logro de su soberanía, autodeterminación e independencia nacional, con énfasis en el compromiso con la autodeterminación de todos los países caribeños de habla kreyol, inglesa, española, francesa y holandesa, como elemento clave para avanzar la descolonización en toda la región.

REAFIRMAMOS NUESTRA SOLIDARIDAD CON TODOS LOS PUEBLOS DE LA REGIÓN QUE RESISTEN LA AGRESIÓN IMPERIALISTA.

¡NO A LA GUERRA CONTRA CUBA!

¡VIVA NUESTRA AMÉRICA COMO ZONA DE PAZ! ¡VIVA LA UNIDAD ENTRE NUESTROS PUEBLOS!

Proclamada en La Habana, Cuba, a los 17 días del mes de agosto de 2026.