Repression Must Meet People(s)-Centered Human Rights Resistance
When the Capitalist Class Can No Longer Deride Legitimacy from Its Lies, It Turns to Fascism
“When the narrative at the heart of a system of rule falls apart, when the flow of history runs counter to the story told by those in power, then we know the entire edifice is crumbling under the weight of its own contradictions. The political crisis arrives when the people sense that the prevailing order is built on a foundation of oppressions and lies. The rulers panic, scrambling to reweave the matrix of fables and myths that justify their waning supremacy. At such points in history, the truth is up for grabs – and a change of regime is in the offing.” (Glen Ford)
Within settler-colonial states like the United States and Israel there is a contradictory element of their fascistic totalitarianism that gives them a unique character. These states construct the most vile, degrading and dehumanizing conditions for the surviving populations that were conquered, enslaved, murdered and internally colonized. Yet, these same states will claim to be “democratic” and even vociferously argue that they uphold something called “human rights”- and get away with this lie.
On what basis do they make this claim and why is it accepted, at least, in the Western world? They get away with this monstrous lie within their societies and in the Western world by operating from a two-tiered definition of humanity. In the top tier are the full humans - the descendants of Europe who have been racialized as white. They are the ones who can enter into a “social contract” because they are seen as having certain rights.
In the other tier is everyone else. The sub-humans who do not have any rights that the Western white world or more precisely the elites in the Western world, are compelled to recognize. This is the position that justified the support for the racist genocide in Gaza.
But like the Palestinians, the sub-humans will fight for their dignity. Oppression always eventually generates resistance. And what we have as a result in the West is the turn to fascism when the natives revolt or even when the downtrodden white working classes rise up against the owners of capital.
The New Norm: Internal State Terrorism
“If the president does it, it isn’t illegal.” ― Richard M. Nixon
State terrorism – the norm in colonial context – is introduced into the metropolitan center during periods of acute capitalist crisis. This was the case during the 1930s across the Western world.
The fascist reform agenda is clear: imposing discipline on the U.S. during a transition period where large numbers are being displaced as the economy is restructured eliminating live labor for Artificial Intelligence, economic austerity at every level of government while simultaneously curtailing the democratic and human rights of workers, nationally oppressed and other potentially oppositional groups.
Fascism is the order of the day,
Merging of the state with the most militant and powerful elements of the bourgeoisie: military-industrial-intelligence complex, Big Oil/Gas, Big Tech, all under the hegemony of finance capital and maintained by an ideological infrastructure that normalizes pro-capitalist white settler nationalism, white Christian fundamentalism and white supremacy.
The multiple fronts of reaction that the Trump forces have opened make it difficult for many without an analytical and conceptual lens that is informed by a dialectical and materialist theoretical framework to see and correctly interpret the disparate connections and rapid social/economic and political changes taking place in the domestic and international realms of activity.
Helping to develop that lens is the purpose of our bulletin.
As reflected in the articles below, the U.S. continues to move systematically toward even more efficient methods of social control and state violence, both domestically and in the global arena. The ideological clue provided by the mythological story of the U.S. as a land of capitalist opportunity, committed to justice, peace and harmonious ethical values has been stripped away revealing an angry, alienated sick culture characterized by massive and expanding poverty, rogue white Christian nationalism, irrational societal violence, incessant wars and institutional crisis. Repression is now the instrument the rulers must rely on for order and compliance.
The instrumentalization of the issue of crime is used to justify Federal military occupations, the militarization of the police and ICE raids. Expanding prisons, police killings at record levels, and legalized racial profiling are just a few of the repressive consequences of the consolidating fascism in the U.S.
The information shared in this bulletin is not meant to deflate spirits but to inspire resistance, a resistance that is equipped with the information and analysis that is necessary to defeat the repressive, fascist state apparatus.
Ajamu Baraka
Director, North-South Project for People(s)-Centered Human Rights
Featured Articles
Crime: the Trojan Horse for Colonial Control
By: Erica Caines
The concept of “crime” is not a fixed, objective reality but a fluid and politically potent construct which has been meticulously weaponized to serve the interests of power. Crime is in fact a dialectical product of the very systems of domination it purportedly challenges. An elusive chameleon, the shifting definitions of crime justify the expansion of state control, the suppression of dissent, and the advancement of imperial projects, both domestically and globally. Whether “high crime” or “low crime” , the rhetoric is rarely about public safety; rather, it is the primary language through which state agencies validate their own existence, and the imperialist state escalates its violence, masking the carceral and militaristic enforcement of social order to maintain hegemony under the guise of moral necessity. This manipulation reveals a continuum of control, where the domestic police state and global imperialism are not separate entities but interconnected systems using the same logic of criminalization to manage populations and resources.
Within the United States, the discourse on crime functions as the engine of domestic imperialism, particularly over the African/Black internal colony. The bipartisan commitment to “tough-on-crime” policies has systematically normalized the criminalization of poverty and Blackness, creating a populace conditioned to accept ever-more repressive measures. The tragedy is not just a figure like Donald Trump’s brazenness, but the Democratic Party’s decades-long failure to dismantle the very systems that enable it.
This foundation is starkly visible in the paradox of Baltimore. Under Mayor Brandon Scott’s “low crime” tour, the city is presented as a success story of managed violence. Yet, this “success” is predicated on the validation of a working police state: a city occupied via the Department of Defense’s 1033 program, which militarizes local police with surplus military hardware; enmeshed in “deadly exchange” programs where US police train with Israeli occupation forces, exchanging tactics of occupation; targeted by federal initiatives like Operation Relentless Pursuit; and subjected to proposals for a “Cop City” and a billion-dollar jail. As Scott pronounces Baltimore as the latest Wakanda safe haven, Baltimore City Police murdered Bilal “BJ” Abdullah, Pytorcatcha Clarke-Brooks, and Dontae Milton in just 2 weeks. These murders, however, are not part of the “low crime” discussion. Here, “low crime” is not an indicator of safety or well-being as purported, but a metric of efficient pacification of people, demonstrating how a population can be governed through preemptive criminalization and militarized containment.
In direct contrast, Donald Trump’s declaration of “high crime” in Washington, D.C. served as the validation for a different, though related, state objective: the overt militarization of an alleged failed police state. His announcement to deploy the National Guard, framed as a necessary crackdown, marked a dangerous escalation in the federal government’s militarization of the nation’s capital. This move, following the Democrat-backed “Secure DC” Omnibus bill, exposes the seamless continuum of carceral logic. Where the “low crime” narrative justifies a perpetual, normalized occupation, the “high crime” narrative justifies a sudden, overt infusion of military force, effectively blurring the lines between policing and soldiering—a process of policification of the military, as noted by scholar Dr. Charisse Burden-Stelley. This same framework was deployed months earlier in L.A. to justify aggressive immigration policies, where the foundational narrative of “criminals” pouring across the border legitimized the mass deployment of National Guard troops and provided a pretext for aggressive deportation campaigns. With the subjective use of criminalization to wield repressive policy and action, it becomes increasingly clear how the oppression of immigrants is very relevant for Black communities.
Police Killings Surpass 1000 in 2025
By: Police Brutality Center
As we approach the final months of 2025, the devastating reality of police violence in the United States has reached a grim milestone: over 1,000 people have been killed by police officers. This marks a tragic and alarming surge in incidents of excessive force, which continues to claim the lives of people across the nation, many of whom are unarmed, mentally ill, or merely in need of help.
At Police Brutality Center, we are committed to shedding light on these horrific statistics, which point to a systemic issue within law enforcement. As these numbers mount, so does our resolve to advocate for justice, raise awareness, and provide legal support to victims and their families.
Killings Reach 1,000 for the 12th Year in a Row
In just under 10 months, law enforcement agencies have already surpassed the 1,000-mark for police killings, with a total of 1,015 people killed as of October 10. This is a reality that has become too common across the U.S. The individuals involved in these tragic incidents come from all walks of life, ranging in age from teens to senior citizens, and represent diverse communities, from white to Black, Hispanic, Asian, and those of unknown race. The frequency of these incidents should shock every citizen and push for immediate action on reform.
According to the most recent data, certain states have borne the brunt of this violence. California, with its large population, has seen 122 incidents of police killings in 2025 alone. Florida (95 incidents) and Texas (90 incidents) follow closely behind, with significant numbers of deaths attributed to law enforcement across the year. These statistics are not just numbers—they represent lives lost, families shattered, and communities left grappling with grief and anger.
Disproportionate Impact on Communities of Color
One of the most alarming trends emerging from the data is the disproportionate impact of police killings on non-white communities. While Black Americans make up just 12% of the U.S. population, they account for an estimated 20% of police shootings. This stark disparity highlights the continued racial inequities in policing, where Black individuals are more likely to be targeted by law enforcement, even though they represent a smaller proportion of the overall population.
Similarly, Hispanic individuals, who represent approximately 5% of the population, account for a striking 15% of police killings. This further underscores the racial imbalances in law enforcement’s use of deadly force. While these communities continue to experience systemic discrimination, police encounters often escalate into fatal violence at much higher rates than their white counterparts.
Moreover, the numbers could be even more concerning, as 161 incidents in the dataset involved individuals where the race was not known. This lack of clarity could skew the statistics further, potentially increasing the representation of non-white victims in the overall count. These gaps in racial data are troubling, as they prevent a full understanding of how specific communities are being disproportionately affected by police violence.
Private Prison Companies’ Enormous Windfall: Who Stands to Gain as ICE Expands
For years, private prison companies have been an important partner for ICE as the government carries out its immigration agenda.
This piece was first published by Just Security.
When Congress passed the budget bill on July 1, it made U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) the largest federal law enforcement agency, more than tripling its annual budget. The bill includes an unprecedented $45 billion for ICE to build new immigration detention centers that will house both adults and children. As of Sept. 7, there were 58,766 people in ICE detention, compared with the 37,395 being held at the same time last year. The new funds could potentially lead to a doubling of detention capacity. In August, the Washington Post reported on internal documents indicating that ICE should have the capacity to hold more than 107,000 people by January. In addition to funding for detention, Congress provided an additional $30 billion for arrests and deportation. Part of those funds are earmarked for hiring and training additional ICE agents and transporting detainees between detention centers and ultimately out of the country.
For years private prison companies have been an important partner for ICE as the government carries out its immigration agenda. ICE contracts with corporations to build and run detention facilities and to transport undocumented individuals who are in custody. The two biggest private prison companies in the United States are CoreCivic and GEO Group. The companies are poised to expand their roles – as well as their profits – thanks to the new influx of funding.
As I noted last November, as we stood on the precipice of an explosion of mass detention, it is critical to acknowledge that if these corporations didn’t exist it would be difficult for the federal government to execute its plans. And when this giant infusion of funding for ICE ramps up the U.S. government’s capacity to detain, transport, and deport people, it will be difficult to dismantle even if future administrations seek to wind down this agenda. Potentially adding 10,000 new ICE detention officers, creating 50,000 or more detention beds, and adding fleets of vehicles such as buses and vans to the nation’s detention and removal operations will create an infrastructure that is unparalleled in this country. The funding creates vested interests for corporations that provide detention, transport, healthcare, and security services and some local communities that benefit from the associated jobs and tax dollars, making it even harder to dismantle.
Soaring Industry Profits
This month, the two largest private prison corporations reported significant profits during their second quarter earnings calls.
CoreCivic reported total revenue of $538.2 million during the company’s second quarter, an almost 10 percent increase from the same time period in 2024. GEO Group, ICE’s largest contractor, reported second-quarter revenue of $636.2 million, a 5 percent increase over the same time period last year.
CoreCivic CEO and Director Damon Hininger told investors during the Aug. 7 earnings call that the new budget bill is a “a pivotal moment for funding related to our industry.” Similarly, GEO Group Founder and Executive Chairman of the Board George Zoley told investors on their Aug. 6 call: “Given the intrinsic value of our assets and the unprecedented growth opportunities we anticipate will materialize over the balance of this year and next year, we believe that our current equity valuation offers an attractive opportunity for investors.”
The Supreme Court’s Hypocrisy on Racial Justice
The Perdomo case constitutionally justifies racial profiling. It also demonstrates the Court’s racial double standard.
Racial profiling, the discriminatory practice of taking enforcement actions against individuals based on their race, ethnicity, or national origin, has long been a common practice in the United States—and now, in 2025, it is legally permitted by the nation’s highest court and encouraged by the President. On September 8, the Supreme Court used its contentious shadow docket, which allows the Court to rule on cases without hearing oral arguments, to provide Constitutional cover for legalized racial profiling.
The Court’s ruling in Vasquez Perdomo v. Noem lifted a lower-court injunction that had previously barred Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents from using an individual’s appearance, accent, or association with certain workplaces as grounds for stops and detentions. Lower courts have condemned the use of racial appearance, language, or accent as a proxy for reasonable suspicion, as unconstitutional.
The Perdomo case relates to the Fourth Amendment, which has traditionally been interpreted to require that searches and seizures be “reasonable,” meaning law enforcement must have individualized suspicion based on specific conduct. But with a single decision—one made with limited briefing—the Court upended that precedent, allowing federal immigration enforcement to detain people based on race, ethnicity, or language—and deciding that anyone whose appearance, spoken language, or accent is associated with undocumented immigration can be legally stopped and detained. In so doing, the Perdomo ruling strips communities of color of basic constitutional protections and legitimizes discrimination under the guise of public safety. This betrayal of precedent echoes the same misguided post-Civil War logic that was used to justify restrictions on Black gatherings, discriminatory “stop and frisk policies,” and the internment of Japanese Americans.
This ruling is part of a broader hypocrisy on the part of the Supreme Court, which has shown two faces on matters related to race. When it comes to punitive policy—including policing, detention, and surveillance—the Court now views race as a permissible factor for law enforcement officers to consider while making a snap decision. But when it comes to remedial programs that might help address decades of systemic inequities, such as affirmative action and policies aimed at reparative justice, considering an individual’s race is not allowed to be a factor. Recent Court decisions show a clear pattern: Race counts when it can be weaponized, but not when it might open doors or provide even a semblance of equity.
In its 2023 ruling on Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard, for example, the Court explicitly sought to end race-conscious college admissions processes, declaring that considering race as an admissions factor, even in narrowly tailored ways, violates the Equal Protection Clause. This decision ignored the decades of systemic discrimination that created the need for race to be used as a factor in admissions in the first place and instead assumes a level playing field that has never existed in the United States. For students of color, this denial of racial inequality locks in disparities they already experience because of segregated K-12 education, unequal housing, and wealth inequality. White applicants still benefit from legacy preferences, wealth-based advantages, and donor influence—but race can no longer be considered to counterbalance these inequities.
In decisions like these, the Court has embraced an absolutist doctrine of “colorblindness” in Equal Protection cases, implying that any acknowledgment of race—even to repair systemic harm—is unconstitutional. As Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson noted in her dissent in the Harvard affirmative action case, however, “Deeming race irrelevant in law does not make it so in life.”
Waging War Wasting Funds
Since 1994, U.S. state and local governments have been waging ‘war’ against its citizens and residents via a clandestine and obscure program called the 1122 Program. This program authorizes local police departments to purchase body armor, protective gear, armored vehicles, military-grade rifles, and communication and video surveillance technology using U.S. taxpayers’ dollars. As Nancy Okail, the CEO of the Center for International Policy argues, “our tax dollars are being weaponized against us under the guise of domestic terrorism”
(Okail, 2025, Waging war, wasting funds”, para. 2).
WASHINGTON, DC — A new report from Women for Weapons Trade Transparency (W2T2), a program of the Center for International Policy, reveals that the federal government’s obscure 1122 Program has quietly funneled over one hundred million dollars worth of military-style equipment to local US law enforcement, with minimal transparency or accountability.
Figure 12. ICE agents using a Lenco BearCat in Broadview, Illinois on October 3, 2025. Photo credit: Ashlee Rezin/Chicago Sun-Times
Created three decades ago to support “counter-drug, homeland security, and emergency response” efforts, the 1122 Program allows state and local governments to obtain law enforcement equipment at a discount through federal procurement channels. W2T2’s investigation—the most comprehensive to date—finds that the program has become a backdoor pipeline using taxpayer funds to funnel vast quantities of military-style hardware and surveillance software into police departments.
“Women for Weapons Trade Transparency’s report rings the alarm: our tax dollars are being weaponized against us under the guise of ‘domestic terrorism,’” said Nancy Okail, President and CEO of the Center for International Policy. “As talk of a ‘war from within’ grows louder, W2T2 exposes how this rhetoric fuels real assaults on democracy and civil rights.”
The report, “Waging War, Wasting Funds,” warns: “Lawmakers, including federal and state legislators and city council representatives, must act with the urgency that this moment requires to prevent a catastrophically violent takeover of civil society by police, federal agents, and corporations profiting from exponentially increasing surveillance, criminalization, and brute force.”
Women for Weapons Trade Transparency, a program of the Center for International Policy, filed 125+ public records requests and obtained $126.87 million in purchasing data from 13 states, 4 cities, and 2 counties. Its report found that top users of the program include Colorado ($32.5 million), Kansas ($24.2 million), Virginia ($19.8 million), Georgia ($12.8 million), California ($12.1 million), and Texas ($11.2 million). Over 95% of participating agencies were police departments or sheriff’s offices. W2T2 found that 63% of spending went to vehicles, 4.8% went to 16 Lenco BearCat armored cars costing $6 million, and $8 million was spent on surveillance technologies.
“The 1122 Program diverts public money from essential community needs and public goods into military-style equipment for local police,” said Rosie Khan, co-founder of Women for Weapons Trade Transparency. “The $126.87 million spent on militarized police equipment and surveillance technology could have instead provided housing support for 10,000+ people for a year, supplied 43 million school meals, or repaired roads and bridges in dozens of communities.”
See the secondary source on this topic from Common Dreams.
No Justice, No Peace,
No Compromise, No Retreat
