The Return of Baltimore Police Control:

A Victory, But Only the First Step 

The recent return of control over the Baltimore City Police Department (BPD) to the city marks a pivotal moment in the long struggle for Community Control Over Police (CCOP)  and the broader fight for self-determination. For over 160 years, the BPD operated as a state agency, insulated from local accountability and perpetuating systemic oppression against African/Black and other colonized communities. True justice requires dismantling the colonial relationship between the police and the communities they patrol and establishing genuine mechanisms for community control. The overwhelming passage of Question H in November 2022—supported by over 82% of voters—signaled a clear mandate for change. 

Baltimore City’s long history of systemic and structural segregation and disinvestment has forged a stark divide in development, leaving entire neighborhoods to languish in neglect while disproportionately branding these communities as hubs of criminality. This criminalization is not a reflection of the lived experiences or needs of the people who call these areas home; rather, it is the result of city and state policies that prioritize control over care and punishment over progress. The "Black Butterfly"—a term used to describe the predominantly Black, underserved neighborhoods spanning East and West Baltimore—stands as a poignant symbol of this entrenched system of segregation and criminalization. Shaped by decades of redlining, economic disinvestment, and over-policing, these communities have been treated as problems to be managed, rather than as vital, vibrant parts of the city deserving of investment, resources, and the autonomy to shape their own futures. The consequences of these policies are not just physical or economic—they are moral, perpetuating cycles of inequality and denying entire neighborhoods the opportunity to thrive.

The 2017 Consent Decree between the City of Baltimore and the Department of Justice (DOJ) was supposed to address the BPD’s pattern of unconstitutional practices, including violations of the First, Fourth, and Fourteenth Amendments. Yet, six years later, the power dynamics remain largely unchanged. The decree, while symbolically significant, has failed to uproot the systemic oppression embedded in policing. Instead, it has funneled federal funding into maintaining the status quo of "law and order," exemplified by programs like Operation Relentless Pursuit and proposals such as ‘Cop City.’ These initiatives have further entrenched the very structures the decree aimed to reform, underscoring the limitations of top-down reforms and the urgent need for grassroots, community-driven solutions.

Baltimore’s unique status as the only locality in Maryland without control over its police department has long been a barrier to accountability. Maryland’s incarceration rate of 531 per 100,000 people reflects a broader carceral system that disproportionately targets African/Black and other colonized communities. The recent passage of Question E, with 77% of the vote, restoring legislative authority to the Baltimore City Council, reaffirmed the demand for democratic self-determination. These victories are not merely administrative; they are a rejection of the impunity with which the BPD has operated and a call for transformative change.

However, transferring control from the state to the city is not enough. The next step must be the establishment of structures for community control over the police. Community control is not an abstract ideal; it is a necessary condition for dismantling the colonial relationship between the police and the communities they serve. The criminalization and over-policing of low-income and colonized neighborhoods, coupled with systemic police violence, are symptoms of a system designed to maintain racial and economic domination. Without community control, the BPD will continue to operate as an occupying force rather than a public service.

The movement for community control is rooted in the principle of democratic self-determination. It seeks to transform the relationship between the police and the public by placing decision-making power in the hands of those most affected by policing practices. This means creating mechanisms for community input on hiring, training, and disciplinary actions, as well as reallocating resources from punitive policing to community-based solutions like mental health services, education, and economic development.  It also means centering People(s)-Centered Human Rights—a comprehensive framework for decolonization and radical social change.

The fight for community control is not about reforming the BPD; it is about challenging the broader systems of oppression that sustain police violence and inequality. Baltimore’s recent victory provides an opportunity to reimagine public safety in a way that prioritizes justice, equity, and human dignity. By seizing this moment to organize and advocate for concrete changes, Baltimore can serve as a model for other cities grappling with similar issues.

The return of control to the city is a significant victory, but the real work lies ahead. The people of Baltimore have spoken, and their demand for self-determination must be met with action. This is not just a local issue; it is part of a global struggle against systems of oppression. Baltimore has the chance to lead the way, but only if we remain vigilant, organized, and committed. The fight for community control over police is a fight for the future of our communities—and it is a fight we cannot afford to lose.

Banner photo: Baltimore police walk by a mural depicting Freddie Gray on July 27, 2016. Three officers were acquitted in Gray's death; prosecutors dropped charges against the remaining three. Courtesy AP Photo/Steve Ruark