AFRICOM Watch Bulletin #54

The post-election turmoil in Mozambique highlights the deeply embedded contradictions of U.S. imperialism in Africa. While AFRICOM and its allies claim to support “stability” and “peacebuilding,” the reality on the ground paints a different picture: a nation wracked by deepening inequality, state repression, and the unchecked plundering of its natural resources by Western multinationals. AFRICOM’s growing presence in Mozambique under the guise of “counterterrorism” coincides with the entrenchment of foreign military influence and neoliberal policies that strip the Mozambican people of their sovereignty.

This is no coincidence. AFRICOM’s mission serves to integrate African militaries into the U.S. empire, ensuring they act as enforcers of Western interests while perpetuating a state of dependency and instability. In Mozambique, as in the Sahel and beyond, we see how the facade of counterterrorism and peace masks a more insidious goal: securing unfettered access to Africa’s resources while silencing resistance.

In this issue, we speak with a Mozambican organizer about the ongoing uprisings, the people’s fight against exploitation and repression, and how imperialist actors manipulate legitimate grievances to serve their agenda. These struggles illuminate the urgent need for international pan-African solidarity! 

U.S. Out of Africa: Voices from the Struggle

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin spoke with Ebubechukwu Nwafor, who is an artist and organiser with the All-African People's Revolutionary Party based in Mozambique.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: The Mozambique elections just happened and there has been an upsurge of violence post-election. Can you speak to what the nature of these tensions are and the struggle going on in Mozambique right now?

Ebubechukwu Nwafor: The rising tensions we are seeing in Mozambique do not only stem from accusations of electoral fraud, though this has been an explosive catalyst for the protests. Victims of an increasingly neo-liberal economic agenda, the Mozambican people have grown tired of leaders who continue to sell our sovereignty to western multinationals while conditions deteriorate for the masses of people. Following the death of popular activist-rapper, Azagaia, in March last year, many young people took to the streets to commemorate his life, chanting “povo no poder” (power to the people) as he often did in his music, drawing from the words of Samora Machel. This was a defining moment for Mozambican youth. 

As a result of the heavy police repression during those processions, people came to understand that the government will repress popular dissent using any means at their disposal, including assassinations, as we saw in the case of the murders of Paulo Guambe and Elvino Dias this October. Guambe and Dias were opposition party figures from the PODEMOS party, who were working to present a case to the Constitutional Council challenging the election results that granted victory to FRELIMO’s candidate Daniel Chapo at the time of their assassination. The government’s use of death squads to silence dissent is not new in Mozambique. And neither is election violence. However, the scale of the people’s response to state violence and accusations of election-rigging this year is larger than we have ever seen. These accusations, combined with the assassinations of Guambe and Dias have further fueled the masses’ anger and pushed them to the streets in protest. 

Venâncio Mondlane, the main opposition candidate, backed by many young voters who have grown disillusioned with the increasingly neo-liberal FRELIMO Party, directs the protests using Facebook Live after fleeing the country fearing for his safety. Mondlane is backed by PODEMOS, a party comprised of break-away FRELIMO dissidents. Mondlane has met with far-right figures in Europe and back in 2013, took part in the U.S. State Department’s International Visitor Leadership Programme. He tows the neo-liberal line and is not an anti-imperialist by any means. But he marks himself as anti-corruption and is not a member of the ruling party, so he attracts followers. Imperialist financial institutions have a hand in fomenting this crisis. Structural adjustment programmes implemented by the IMF following Samora Machel’s assassination in 1986 crippled the nascent public sector and led to FRELIMO abandoning its socialist project. Again in 2016, after the “tuna bond” corruption scandal that rocked FRELIMO’s leadership was revealed, the IMF pulled funding. Consequently, the government defunded essential sectors like health and education which has affected the most marginalized in Mozambique. There is an air of total distrust in public institutions among young people. The protests we are seeing today are the expression of the masses’ frustration and desire for better conditions in a country left to starve and fend for itself, while its leaders line their pockets and defend imperialist interests.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: In July of 2024, there was news about a professional engagement/strengthening of AFRICOM and Mozambique military ties. How has AFRICOM’s presence in Mozambique evolved from its initial engagement to its current operations? 

Ebubechukwu Nwafor: The U.S. military had boots on the ground in Mozambique before last year. The first known physical presence of AFRICOM troops in Mozambique was in 2021, when the U.S. military sent 12 soldiers to train Mozambican marines. Since 2021, the U.S. has conducted six training exercises with FADM, the Mozambican armed forces, with the most recent being this past August. The U.S. has also admitted to supplying the Mozambican military with military equipment. But, beyond military training, there is a visible increase in the presence of U.S. government agencies here, including USAID, Peace Corps, etc. that serve to advance U.S. interests, through ostensibly humanitarian means in the country. After the IMF’s austerity measures weakened the Mozambican economy, and even more visibly so after the discovery of huge natural gas reserves in Cabo Delgado, western NGOs flocked in. 

In 2021, the U.S. inaugurated its new, obnoxiously large embassy right by the beach here in Maputo and called it “a concrete example of the importance of the United States government’s work in Mozambique”. This embassy was completed a year before it designated Mozambique a priority country for promoting “peace and stability” along with Haiti, Libya, Papua New Guinea and countries bordering the AES under the Global Fragility Act. We must be vigilant against increasing U.S. presence here.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: What forms has US imperialism taken within the state and government at large? Is inter-imperialist rivalry at play in Mozambique as well? Please elaborate. 

Ebubechukwu Nwafor: After the 2011 discoveries of massive gas deposits in Cabo Delgado, we saw the encroachment of U.S. and European companies like Total, Shell, Anadarko, Eni, ExxonMobil, BP, etc. all coming to claim their share of these resources. Residents of surrounding areas who are largely dependent on farming and fishing have been displaced after some of these companies signed dubious agreements with people who did not even live in the areas they intended to claim, Shell most notably. A group of Mozambican lawyers have also sued Anadarko for this reason. In 2018, there was a dispute between Shell and Anadarko, with Shell accusing Anadarko of delaying the LNG projects. This is the only dispute I am aware of, but the varied western interests here means that the Mozambican people’s interests are treated as secondary to foreign multinationals’. 

On a good day, one can find an EU soldier roaming in full military garb in rich areas here, with the Portuguese flag printed boldly on their uniform. Also, with limited government funding, many Mozambican civil society organisations are financed by the EU, Open Society Foundations, USAID, etc. As far back as 2012, some were calling Mozambique “the new frontier of global capitalism”. Last August, the UNDP and OHCHR trained 11,000 Mozambican police officers to apparently teach them how to act during elections “in order to guarantee a safe and peaceful electoral environment.” We see how this turned out, with police shooting at protesters and referring to civilians as “urban terrorists”. 

Ukraine also opened an embassy here this past April. The role Ukraine played in furnishing paramilitary groups in Mali with intelligence to attack civilians and the Malian military this July makes this worth noting, considering the actions of armed groups in Cabo Delgado. Moreover, the extradition and subsequent conviction of former Minister of Economy and Finance, Manuel Chang, in the U.S. following the “tuna bond” scandal which implicated some FRELIMO officials is another way the U.S. has had a major say in Mozambican politics.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: Can you talk about 2-3 things that most people either don’t know or have misconceptions about Mozambique and the current geopolitical situation there

Ebubechukwu Nwafor: Recently, Mozambican citizens have been demanding that Rwandan president Paul Kagame withdraw his troops from the country. Rwanda was promised €20m by the EU this month, after a similar amount was pledged in 2022 to secure the areas surrounding the LNG projects in Cabo Delgado against militant groups. The rise of armed groups in the Northern gas-rich province of Cabo Delgado can be attributed to government neglect of that province while they subordinate the people’s interests to those of oil and gas companies. The Mozambican people have had enough of the lack of transparency in the government’s dealings with the EU-backed Rwandan troops and are ordering President Nyusi and Kagame to pull them out of the country.

Also, there is heavy skepticism against the Constitutional Council which has no deadline to validate the election results that granted victory to FRELIMO’s Daniel Chapo. Many are calling for these elections to be annulled and redone. But Nyusi has recently called for a meeting between all the top opposition candidates to address the post-election protests. We are waiting to see what will come of this meeting, though many are not expecting anything transformative. What the people want to see is vocalised in their main rallying cry: povo no poder.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: Are there any hopeful signs regarding this post-election uproar or in the politics of the masses today? How can others support movement building in Mozambique? Please plug any work that is going on and how we may engage in solidarity actions.

Ebubechukwu Nwafor: It is difficult to say whether things are looking up now. We are still waiting for the Constitutional Council to announce the final election results and this continues to be delayed while strikes and demonstrations persist. While we are witnessing the strengthening of class consciousness among young people who see their leaders line their pockets as they sell the country piece by piece to foreign multinationals while the conditions of the masses deteriorate, we lack ideological clarity here. This is mainly because left-wing, anti-imperialist forces are mostly dispersed, with no explicitly anti-imperialist organisations on the ground engaged in political education work on a consistent basis. 

Though organisations like Alternactiva and the National Peasants’ Union exist, we have a serious task on our hands to consolidate the energy of this mass movement into organisation. Because of this lack of ideological clarity, and especially considering the increased western interest here, we must remain vigilant against agendas that seek to weaponise the legitimate grievances of the Mozambican people for imperialist objectives. Anti-imperialist organisations abroad can join the call to expel AFRICOM, the EU Training Mission and Rwandan troops from Mozambique. These destabilising forces must leave so that Mozambicans have the chance to reorganise the country to benefit the masses. 

News and Analysis

What Does End of Ivory Coast Military Relation with France Mean: An Interviews with BAP ‘s Netfa Freeman 

January 6, 2025 by KPFK radio, Los Angeles.

Ivory Coast is the sixth in a growing list of African nations cutting military ties with former colonial power France, representing the shift of African interests away from security and development treaties with the western world. To what extent do these shifts pose challenges for AFRICOM? BAP’s Africa Team Co-Coordinator, Netfa Freeman was invited to discuss this on the KPFK radio program Cut to The Chase. The Show Host, Sylvester Rivers, also opened the phone lines to take calls from listeners.

Violence and Extraction in Mozambique: How Neo-Colonial Forces and Corporate Interests Undermine Security

November 13, 2024 by Tunde Osazua

Mozambique's current political and social crises reflect the enduring grip of FRELIMO, a former liberation party turned neoliberal regime, marked by corruption and alignment with foreign interests. Allegations of electoral fraud, violent repression of protests, and corporate exploitation of natural gas in Cabo Delgado highlight the nation's descent into neo-colonial exploitation, where multinational corporations and imperialist powers profit while locals face displacement and poverty

Election results spark protests and unrest in Mozambique

November 14th, 2024 by People’s Dispatch

Mozambique’s recent presidential election has sparked unrest, with opposition candidate Venâncio Mondlane and his party, Podemos, rejecting the victory of FRELIMO’s Daniel Chapo amid allegations of electoral fraud. 

Mozambique General Elections Point to Changing Political Dynamics

October 22, 2024 by Emilia Columbo

The rise of PODEMOS, a grassroots movement driven by disillusioned youth and workers demanding accountability and justice, challenges not only FRELIMO but also RENAMO’s compromised role as opposition. As protests grow against an election seen as stolen, the struggle reflects a broader fight for democracy and an end to elite rule.

Mozambican Ruling Party Wins Presidential Elections

October 24, 2024 by OSG

Daniel Chapo's victory extends FRELIMO’s five-decade domination of Mozambique, a legacy rooted in its Marxist-Leninist origins but increasingly marred by corruption and authoritarianism.

Banner photo: Youth pose behind a Mozambique flag while in the street during a demonstration, courtesy apanews.net.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin #53

Since Niger and Mali exposed that Ukraine, a nation heavily reliant on the United States for military and economic support, is supporting terrorism in the Sahel, this has starkly exposed the contradictions inherent in AFRICOM's mission on the African continent. AFRICOM was established under the premise of combating terrorism and ensuring stability in Africa. However, if a U.S.-backed government is actively aiding terrorist groups in the Sahel, it suggests that AFRICOM's role may not be as straightforward as it claims. Instead, it could be seen as part of a broader strategy that perpetuates instability and conflict in Africa, thereby justifying its continued presence and expanding influence under the guise of fighting terrorism.

This scenario would lend credence to the belief that AFRICOM's true purpose is not to eliminate terrorism but rather to maintain a perpetual state of conflict and dependency on the continent. By fostering instability, AFRICOM ensures that African states remain reliant on U.S. military support, which aligns with the strategic interests of the U.S. and its European and other allies in securing access to Africa's vast natural resources. 

The purpose of AFRICOM is to make African militaries so integrated and dependent on US technologies and support as to make them easy to control and direct towards imperial interests whether that be by standing up, standing down, committing assassinations, committing coups, protecting coups, among other atrocities. Africans become the face of U.S. imperialism on the continent to protect against unwanted scrutiny while still maintaining U.S. access to African resources.

Join us for the International Month of Action Against AFRICOM in October to demonstrate our opposition to these designs.

U.S. Out of Africa: Voices from the Struggle

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin spoke with Inemesit Richardson, the co-founder of The Thomas Sankara Center for African Liberation and Unity (@Burkinabooks), a Pan-African library and political education center based in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso where she resides. She is an organizer with the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party (A-APRP) and All-African Women’s Revolutionary Union (A-AWRU). She is also a journalist with African Stream.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: The AES confederation was recently established as a transitional step before forming a federation. Can you explain the significance of this move and how it has been received by the people in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger?

Inemisit Richardson: The AES confederation is a huge move not just for the countries of the Sahel, but for Africa as a whole because it opens a pathway to sovereignty for the entire continent. This brings us one step closer to a totally unified Africa. Of course, we understand that it will take a high level of class struggle and revolution in order for the confederation to expand, but that is the real aspiration of the civilians within the AES and their leaders. The people want the AES states to form a nucleus for the broader Pan-African liberation struggle. The heads of state of the three countries have also emphasized the importance of African unity in this sense. Having visited all three AES countries, the strong desire for a singular ‘United States of Africa’ per the vision of Kwame Nkrumah, Modibo Keita, Cheikh Anta Diop and many others is abundantly clear and cannot be overstated. In the meantime, the AES countries have formed a confederation with a shared foreign policy which is built upon the principle of multipolarity– a value popularly evoked by civilians in this region of the world– and anti-imperialism as proven by their tremendous strides away from western neo-colonial rule. People across the Sahel celebrated the creation of the confederation with pride and excitement. Many organizations, including the Thomas Sankara Centre, also recognize that we have a lot of work to do to build a federation to regroup the Sahel, and all of Africa, into one single country with a shared government and citizenship. 

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: The Thomas Sankara Center has co-authored a declaration calling for a federation of the AES states. What are the main challenges the AES faces in transitioning from a confederation to a federation, and how can these be addressed? What role do grassroots movements and civil society organizations play in pushing this agenda forward? 

Inemisit Richardson: Well, transforming a confederation into a federation is no easy feat. It has been attempted on various historical occasions and has often failed due to heavy imperialist meddling. Right now Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger are all in the midst of a major security crisis. Paramilitary death squads known as ‘terrorists’ in the post-9/11 language of US foreign policy, have wreaked havoc on various subregions of the three states since the NATO invasion of Libya in 2011. It was in the aftermath of Muammar Gaddafi’s assassination that rebel groups first accessed the slain leader’s governmental weapon stash to bring arms into the Sahel. Since that time, the Sahel has become a highly militarized and, in some key places, dangerous zone. In reality, these paramilitary death squads are not so different from the Contras that sought to destroy Nicaragua in the 1980s or the death squads that the United States supported in El Salvador. This security crisis is the biggest thing slowing down the creation of a Sahel federation. To give an example of what this looks like in practice, in January of 2023, Burkina Faso’s prime minister Apollinaire Joachim Kyélem de Tambèla met with the prime ministers of Mali and Guinea (Guinea was friendly towards Mali and Burkina Faso for a brief moment) in order to propose the creation of a railway system linking the three states. Apart from Guinea’s distancing from the revolutionary Sahel states, the other reason this did not move forward is likely due to the fact that this endeavor would require building miles of railway tracks over lands that have been seized by these violent death squads. That is why security has been the first and the preeminent focus of the AES leaders as well as many of the AES citizens who have chosen to take up arms and go to the frontlines in recent times. 

With that being said, there is very little that has happened within the AES that did not begin first as a call emanating from the grassroots. The reason why AES leaders are so beloved by their people is because they have consistently submitted to the people’s will. There would not even be an Alliance of Sahel States in any form if the AES leaders did not listen to the cries of their people to form one. Mass mobilisations led by civil society organizations called for the removal of French troops from the soils of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. The leaders heard this call and followed the demands of their people. Niger was at the vanguard of calling for the expulsion of US troops as well, civilians having protested against AFRICOM’s presence for many years. Thus, Niger became the first African country in history to give AFRICOM the boot. Civilians in all three countries have organized mass demonstrations in favor of increased Russian partnership. Today Russia is the closest partner to the AES states apart from one another. And what started these mobilizations? Here in Burkina Faso, these mobilizations emerged in response to Assimi Goïta’s political direction and the revolution in Mali. The very first cries of the people across the Sahel as the tides were beginning to turn was to join the Malian people and their government, to become one with Mali. So Pan-Africanism was always at the base of these revolutions. Now it is up to grassroots organizations across the AES to raise their voices and push hard for the creation of this federation by any means necessary. The people know what they want and need. It is only a matter of organizing properly to get it. 

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: The AES has called for closer collaboration with states like Russia, Iran, and the DPRK. What are the strategic benefits of these alliances, and how do they align with the goals of the AES?

Inemisit Richardson: As aforementioned, the people of the AES were the first to raise their voices and call for close collaboration with Russia. The average person in the Sahel has a very sharp analysis of world geopolitics. People know that France, the US, and other western countries have exploited Africa and plundered its resources. They also know that there is a new camp emerging in the world and that Russia is at the forefront of it. They recognize that, unlike the western powers, Russia did not colonize their ancestors, does not control their monetary system, has never assassinated their leaders, has never carried out coups d'etat deposing progressive leaders, has never rigged African elections, does not send its own private companies to dominate Africa’s local economy, does not trap Africa in predatory loans, does not control the Bretton Woods institutions, and has been relatively non-interventionist towards Africa in general. For this reason, the overwhelming majority in the Sahel strongly prefer Russian partnership. People in the Sahel today are very perceptive and understand the strategies and tactics of imperialism. They know that the current imperialist talking point is that ‘both sides are bad’ or that they need ‘neither Russia nor France’ and they don’t fall for this rhetoric anymore.

People also appreciate partnerships with Iran for similar reasons. Iran is a powerful country that has a great capacity to defend itself and resist imperialist aggression. Countries like Russia and Iran are important to the people of the Sahel because, beyond collaborating within the areas of security, they offer the AES countries a pathway towards industrialization through the creation of factories, refineries, and power plants. That is how you know that Russia and Iran are not neo-colonial powers imposing themselves on Africa. The number one goal of the imperialist system is to maintain Africa’s status as a producer of raw materials. The west has worked tirelessly to prevent technology transfers and the development of the industry as that would allow Africa to become self-sufficient and compete with the west at their level of production. 

Finally, people are excited about the new relationship being forged with the DPRK because, here in Burkina Faso in particular, people remember the extent to which the DPRK was a friend of the Sankara revolution. Thomas Sankara visited Pyongyang on multiple occasions. There are even rumors that the Burkinabe national anthem, with lyrics written by Thomas Sankara, was composed by a North Korean. People also fly the North Korean flag at a lot of rallies because they know that the flag is a symbol that western countries find threatening or upsetting. 

Burkina Faso is also establishing new relationships with Nicaragua, which just opened its first West African embassy in Ouagadougou at the beginning of this year, and with Venezuela. Nicaragua is also a country that Burkinabe remember very fondly during the Sankara-era as Sankara was very outspoken about defending the Sandinista and made two trips to the country. Venezuela has also long been on Burkina Faso’s radar as the Burkinabe have paid very close attention to the Bolivarian revolution over the years. 

News and Analysis

African states call for UN action against Ukraine

August 21, 2024 by RT

Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger have written to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) demanding action against Ukraine for its alleged involvement in a rebel attack that killed dozens of Malian soldiers and Russian military contractors.

The Imperialist Attack on the Alliance of Sahel States

August 14, 2024, by Essam Elkorghli, Kribsoo Diallo, and Matteo Capasso

The recent attack on Mali has the fingerprints of Western imperialism all over it. This series of events is part of the tried and true imperialist method of creating the conditions for intervention by sewing chaos and terror. This cyclical process must be broken through revolutionary action.

Mali and Niger Breaks Diplomatic Relations with Ukraine Accusing NATO Ally of Involvement in Terrorist Attacks

August 14, 2024, by Abayomi Azikiwe

The United States proxy war against the Russian Federation continues to impact the African continent.

Gerald Horne - Ukraine Spreading ‘Terrorism’ Around the World –Kiev is Doing the Bidding of the West

August 8, 2024, by Activist News Network

Dr. Gerald Horne, professor of History at the University of Houston, author, historian, and researcher, on The Critical Hour discussing the news that Ukraine is Spreading ‘Terrorism’ Around the World –Kiev is Doing the Bidding of the West

Mali’s Position is Clear: The Kiev Regime is a Terrorist State

August 5, 2024, by Mikhail Gamandiy-Egorov

Mali decided to sever diplomatic relations with Ukraine, labeling the Kiev regime as a supporter of international terrorism. The move follows Ukraine's alleged involvement in supporting terrorist groups in northern Mali, which led to the deaths of Malian soldiers. 

The Ruthless and Desperate Pursuit of U.S. Influence and Access Over Africa

July 31, 2024, by Netfa Freeman

AFRICOM is growing more bold in its attempts to maintain dominance over the African continent. Now is the time for Pan-African and Black Nationalist forces to organize to sabotage those efforts and support the masses struggling to free themselves from the yoke of imperialism.

US-AFRICOM Attempts to Open a New War Front Against Russia in Libya

July 2, 2024, by Habib Lassoued

The geopolitical tensions in Libya remain high, with U.S. officials reportedly pressuring Libyan factions to distance themselves from Moscow, potentially escalating into a broader proxy war involving regional and international powers.

Burkina Faso: La Patrie ou la Mort… Venceremos

June 28, 2024, by Inemisit Richardson

Thomas Sankara's ideology had an enduring impact and the connections between Burkina Faso's revolutionary past and present, including ties with states like Cuba and Nicaragua.

Banner photo: Mali Rebels display Ukraine Flag (courtesy youtube.com/@CRUXnews.)

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin #52

As anti-imperialist sentiment gains momentum in Africa, the Alliance of Sahelian States has demonstrated a clear resolve to reclaim sovereignty from foreign powers. The backlash against Western presence, and French presence in particular, has ignited a broader conversation about the future of foreign intervention and the true path to self-determination for African nations. Yet, while AFRICOM and Western military forces are being pushed out of the Sahel by people's movements, we see a much different relationship elsewhere on the continent taking note, in particular, of the ongoing close coordination between the US and Botswana Defense Forces as well as the US and Kenya Defense forces even as they are illegitimately deployed against their own civil society. 

With Kenya as a current poster child, we observe that in Africa, there are hundreds of political parties that do not serve the interests of African people. These parties serve as middlemen between imperialism and the masses of the people.  But even in more convoluted or reactionary political environments, there is always pushback. In tandem with the events in the Sahel, Kenya is witnessing its own wave of resistance against neocolonialism, particularly in the form of protests against President William Ruto and his collusion with the IMF to further immiserate the Kenyan people on behalf of Western interests. Ruto has also sent Kenyan police to Haiti, ostensibly to serve Western imperialist agendas under the guise of peacekeeping, in a plan crafted in large part by Meg Whitman, U.S. ambassador to Kenya. These moves have been met with significant opposition within Kenya, highlighting a broader continental struggle against foreign domination and exploitation. The ongoing events signal a rising Pan-African consciousness that seeks to dismantle the remnants of colonialism and resist new forms of imperialist control.

U.S. Out of Africa: Voices from the Struggle

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin spoke with Salifu Mack who is a high school English and History teacher, music lover, and sparkling water connoisseur. He is also a member of the Black Alliance for Peace and the All African People's Revolutionary Party and an organizer with the Lowcountry Action Committee in the Lowcountry of South Carolina. 

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: You recently spent time on the ground in Burkina Faso during or shortly after the uprisings that led to the backlash against the French colonialists. Did you feel that this was just another military coup in Africa or that this was different and why?

Salifu Mack: Even before arriving in Burkina Faso, it was quite clear to me that the character of this coup was different from what is commonly associated with coups in Africa. My comrades on the ground at the Thomas Sankara Center for African Liberation and Unity had been reporting for months prior about the sentiment that had been emanating from the masses. 

During my time in Burkina Faso, it was quite clear to me that the movements of the Traore administration have been in direct response to, and many cases, in lock-step with the demands of the people of Burkina Faso. While many coups in Africa are a top-down imposition of the will of a few “strong-men”, moves in Burkina Faso such as the ejection of the French military, embassies, and certain NGO and media properties, were demands originally spurring from the grassroots. The military coup led by Captain Ibrahim Traore just provided the muscle to move those demands into reality. 

This is quite different from the January 2022 coup that preceded Traore, led by Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba. That coup administration was deeply unpopular with the masses and lasted only 8 months. Often in Western circles, it is easy to discuss the African masses as people who lack discernment, but the reaction to Damiba contrasted against the positive reaction to Traore should be enough proof to demonstrate that people in Burkina Faso are using sound reasoning and discernment skills to determine what is in their best interests. 

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: Clearly, France was the primary target among foreign interests. What signs, if any, did you see that the focus would then shift to US AFRICOM next or in the future?

Salifu Mack: On February 2, 2024, I attended a rally outside of the U.S. Embassy in Burkina Faso, organized by an organization called the Black African Defence League. The group was there to deliver a letter to the US ambassador to Burkina Faso, demanding US military bases withdraw from the country immediately. 

They also denounced US imperialist policy, stating that U.S. interference in the affairs of the Alliance of Sahel States would not be tolerated by the popular administrations and that consequences for such interference would be backed by the masses of the country. I remember being so blown away not just by this action, but by the very clear analysis that members of the organization displayed regarding imperialism. 

They understood quite clearly the essence of the idea that imperialism is the primary contradiction in the world today, and they situated the U.S. at the center of that. They were declaring that while France has been the most visible hand in the oppression they’ve experienced, France would never have such abilities without the backing of the U.S. and NATO more explicitly. They pointed directly to the 2011 NATO-led invasion of Libya as a material starting point for the issue of terrorism plaguing the Sahel today. Two months later, the U.S. was dismissed by Niger, and the action was widely celebrated across Burkina Faso. 

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: With the exit of the French, a power vacuum has been created in the Sahel. Some suspect that the US will fill that vacuum. Others think that Russia via its Wagner group or China might fill that void. In your view, how best can Africans fill that void? 

Salifu Mack: This question comes up quite commonly in western Pan-Africanist spaces and I just want to point out that it goes back to what I mentioned in my first response, but unfortunately it’s going to be a little long-winded. Africans in the Sahel are not being lulled into compliance by the scent of some fancy Russian perfume or the promise of sweet words. The Sahel is a region of Africa that has been absolutely ravaged by the results of years of Western meddling in African affairs, direct and indirect. The Sahel has also, up to the point of establishing a relationship with Russia, received close to no real material support from any outside forces to help tackle that problem. 

The Sahel is surrounded by countries that at best are hollowed-out shells of nations due to years of neocolonial leadership, and at worst, are treacherous lackeys of Western imperialism who willingly engage in acts of sabotage against nations who won’t comply with it. This question and criticism are also often raised by the Western diaspora, who must be mindful of our inability to materially change anything about our situations abroad, and who should be honest about the fact that our powerlessness has led to a passive complicity with U.S. imperialism. With that context in mind, I think we must discuss Sahelian partnerships with Russia, or whoever else they may engage with in the future, with a bit of humility. 

While navigating desperate conditions, leaders of the AES have still managed to initiate quite meaningful security partnerships with the Russian state. Russian flags stand tall beside flags of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger at roundabouts in all three countries. And it is not because Burkinabe are engaged in a delusion of “friendship” but because they understand the utility of strategic alliances. 

In an ideal world for most people I encountered, Africa solves its own problems. However, the Sahel is forced to deal very acutely with the reality that Africa at this very moment has been conquered. They are also more honest about the reality that Africa does not exist in a world apart from the rest of this planet. Sahelian partnerships with Russia have assisted in the longstanding fight against terrorism, creating space and opportunity for meaningful attempts at development. The need for development in the Sahel states is an ill-understood aspect of the struggle there. 

The concern moving forward, in my opinion, needs to be less about filling a void, and more about building upon the achievements of the current struggle. This phase in the AES is just a building block, and each of us has a role to play in building new ones. Africans in the West need to turn our attention towards AFRICOM (through organizations like the Black Alliance for Peace) because its meddling against the region is only going to escalate from here. I also think that we need to be engaged in moving resources to organizations in the Sahel, like the Thomas Sankara Center so that they can continue to facilitate opportunities for in-person work with the masses throughout the region. There are quite energetic anti-imperialist and socialist organizations in the Sahel. Organizations are attempting to do a lot at this moment with very limited resources. The defense of our liberated territories has to be a priority because as these nations increase their capacity, they can increase the power of their material contributions toward the struggle for Pan-Africanism, which is also a very clear motivation of the masses in these countries. I have never encountered Africans with a more serious commitment to pan-African unity than I did in Burkina Faso.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: What evidence of structural or policy changes can you identify on the ground that has directly and positively impacted the material reality of the masses since the uprisings and coup?

Salifu Mack: The Traorè administration has received a lot of positive attention for kicking out the French military, NGOs, and enemy media, and rightfully so. I think many people living in the deluded realities of Western states that commit and fund terrorism but do not have to bear the brunt of terrorists running around unchecked, can not appreciate how meaningful it is to Burkinabè to see their anxieties about security being dealt with effectively for the first time in years. But in my opinion, more attention should be paid to the administration's intense focus on development. 

Captain Ibrahim Traoré has demonstrated that he is wholly invested in the process of nationalizing Burkina Faso’s resources. In 2023, the administration announced it would be nationalizing the sugar sector. The SN SOSUCO sugar company, which was once, privatized during the term of the counterrevolutionary president, Blaise Compaoré, is now state-owned. 

This administration has also positioned Burkina Faso, one of Africa's foremost gold-producing states, to develop technology to process gold mine residues on-site. Construction on the factory began in November, and it was opened this January. In his formal announcement, Captain Ibrahim Traoré noted that the facility is 40% owned by the state. 

In addition, Burkina Faso has long implemented land reform policies limiting the amount of land that can be privately possessed to 5 hectares. To boost production, the current administration is subsidizing the cost of agricultural equipment for farmers and has set a goal to increase the productivity of irrigated areas by at least 50%. 

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: Many African people in the United States question why we should care about what goes on in the Sahel. How would you respond to this and how can those who do care get involved?

Salifu Mack: In chapter 19 of Africa Must Unite, Kwame Nkrumah states that “... any effort at association between the states of Africa, however limited its immediate horizons, is to be welcomed as a step in the right direction: the eventual political unification of Africa.” In my observation, the average, everyday African in Burkina Faso is extremely concerned with the total unity of not just the Sahelian states, but all of Africa. It’s my most sincere hope that the AES can model something that will be the envy of Africans across the continent. The AES states have taken on a huge responsibility which must be delivered on by any means necessary. And this means that Africans everywhere we are around the world have a responsibility to defend it.

This defense, however, can not be actualized as passionate individuals reposting content on social media. We have to be members of political formations with clear principles, and goals, that have an emphasis on political education and action. We need to develop an analysis that helps to draw very succinct connections between what is going on in places like the Sahel and Haiti, and places like Baltimore and Los Angeles. Places where concepts like “terrorists” and “gangs” are being weaponized against the African masses to manufacture consent for police brutality and imperialist invasion. 

There is no cure for the Democratic Republic of the Congo, no way to “free” Sudan, no end to settler colonialism in Western Sahara, or true liberation for Africans in the United States without this unity. No confrontation of violent client states, or our ruthless petit bourgeoisie. No path to true development— not a single road or hospital built truly to our advantage. There is no way forward for our individual states in this modern era that does not involve political and economic unity, and unity presupposes organization. Word to Nkrumah! 

News and Analysis

Burkinabé Rally for Malian President

June 27, 2024, by African Stream

During an all-night rally from sundown to sunrise, Burkinabé supporters of Assimi Goita, the president of the Republic of Mali, raised awareness and showed support for Goita’s first trip to another African country and his second trip outside of Mali.

maũndũ makwa #11 (my things): #RejectFinanceBill2024, end state sanctioned violence, & Kenya out of Haiti

June 27, 2024, by Karĩmi

What to the neo-colonial subject is independence? When can people be freed of imperialism? US military bases and ‘Israeli’ weaponry and all the rest.

Nigeriens Rally Around Revolutionary Government

June 26, 2024, by African Stream

During a rally in support of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (CNSP), the government of Niger led by President Abdourahamane Tiani, participants were interviewed and expressed support for the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a security pact between Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, which is on track to develop into a confederation. Many also said that the AES was a step in the right direction of the total unification of the African continent.

Around the Horne: Kenya, Haiti, AFRICOM, Palestine, Lebanon, Zimbabwe, and more

June 26, 2024, by Activist News Network

Dr. Gerald Horne speaks about the malign role of AFRICOM and Kenya in Africa in the wake of a brutal crackdown on protest in Kenya, Kenyan police arriving in Haiti, and a two-day U.S. Africa Command conference in Gaborone, Botswana that drew defense chiefs from 32 African countries.

The Congolese Fight for Their Own Wealth

June 25, 2024, by Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research

The DRC’s vast mineral wealth contrasts with its extreme poverty, caused by exploitation and conflict. The dossier emphasizes sovereignty and dignity, echoing Congolese activists' visions for freedom.

The Cocoa Industry and Slave Labor | Netfa Freeman on Modus Operandi

June 10, 2024 by Modus Operandi on RT

This interview journeys from unpacking the unionization efforts of African cocoa farmers vs multinational corporations, the disturbing allegations of child labor exploitation within the cocoa industry, to the role of the West and AFRICOM in the geopolitical situation across the Sahel and West Africa.

ECOWAS: A Black Radical Perspective

June 1, 2024, by The Black Alliance for Peace Africa Team

The US and EU states work with intergovernmental regional organizations like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as a geo-strategy to give cover for neo-colonialist interests. 

African Liberation Day Remarks from Niger

May 25, 2024 by Alassane Aboubakar

Alassane Aboubakar, member of the Organisation Révolutionnaire pour une Démocratie Nouvelle (ORDN) Tarmamowa, speaks on African Liberation Day. The ORDN is a political party in Niger. ORDN Tarmamowa is a member of WAPO (West Africans Peoples Organisation), an umbrella organization of progressive West African political parties, organizations, and trade union associations for the total liberation and unification of Africa, so dear to Comrade Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah.

The Sahel seeks sovereignty

May 14, 2024, by West Africa People's Organisations

The last year has seen tremendous transformations in the Sahel region with popularly-backed military coups calling for an end to French colonialism as well as progressive electoral victories

For the Defense of the Alliance of Sahel States

May 9, 2024, by The Coalition for the Elimination of Imperialism in Africa

The Coalition for the Elimination of Imperialism in Africa calls on the African masses on the continent and in the diaspora to organize like never before in defense of the Alliance of Sahel States, for this alliance is at the forefront of our struggle against imperialism. What began as a national liberation struggle in each member state has rapidly consolidated into a Pan-African union for the complete emancipation of Africa.

Banner photo: President of the Transition of Burkina Faso, Captain Ibrahim Traoré examining a cinder block at the construction site of the country’s very first gold refinery plant (courtesy world-today-news.com.).

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin #50

While the U.S. continues to fund an active genocide against the Palestinian people with the settler colonial state of Israel, imperialism continues to wreak havoc in Africa. BAP urges readers to stay alert and engaged on struggles happening all over the Global South as they all connect back to the belly of the beast. We have been following one of the latest flare-ups in Sudan as part of a multi-year long brutal war between ruling class actors that have led to one of the largest refugee crises in the world. 

“When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers.”

U.S. Out of Africa: Voices from the Struggle

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin spoke with Salome Ayuak who is an educator, researcher, and organizer currently serving as the Information Secretary of the South Sudanese Acholi of North America Association and a member of Black Alliance for Peace - Atlanta. 

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: In December of 2022 it seemed that negotiations for a two year transition to civilian leadership in Sudan were in the process. By April of 2023 fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) began. According to the UN, over 12 thousand women, men and children have reportedly been killed in Sudan and between about 7.4 million have been displaced. And yet, even prior to October 7th when the current crisis in occupied Palestine intensified, we hear very little about  Sudan. What are your thoughts about why?

Salome Ayuak: The current lack of attention to the war in Sudan can be attributed to several factors. First, there's lack of knowledge and political education regarding the Horn of Africa overall which results in limited public interest and discourse. Understanding the current war requires a deeper grasp of Sudanese history beyond humanitarian statistics, which many people do not have the inclination to explore in this era of quick information. To truly comprehend the present moment, studying the history of Sudan is necessary, rather than relying solely on social media graphics that conveniently appear on our feeds. This is especially crucial considering the lack of access to internet and telecommunication tools in Sudan, making it challenging, if not impossible, for everyday people to document the war for the western audience. Furthermore, the absence of a strong international movement in solidarity with Sudan contributes to its limited visibility in global discourse. Historically, much of the international discourse on Sudan has been controlled by neoliberals such as the Clooneys and Clintons, who dictate to those in the West, particularly the U.S., when and how to "save Sudan," or more specifically, Darfur. The ongoing wars in the Sudan  from the first Sudanese civil war which began one year before the 1956 flag independence up until 1982 and the second civil war from 1983 - 2005, have also led to a desensitization among many, who may view it as just "another African country at war," thereby diminishing the significance of the present popular uprisings turned war between armed forces who are all in opposition to the most important group in this fight - which are the interests of the masses of Sudanese peoples. If we claim to be pro-African peoples, we must amplify all struggles of African peoples towards liberation. If we don’t know enough about the struggles, then we must study it so we have correct analysis to stand in real solidarity. 

AWB: Talk about the 2-3 most important things most people just don't get about Sudan and its current geopolitical situation

SA: Sudan's geopolitical situation is deeply influenced by the economic consequences of South Sudan's secession in 2011. The split resulted in a significant loss of oil revenue for Sudan, as the majority of oil fields were in the newly independent South. This economic downturn was further exacerbated by IMF austerity measures imposed on Sudan, including cuts in public sector development budgets, downsizing of the government, and lifting of subsidies on essential goods like sorghum and petroleum. The austerity measures led to bleak living conditions (already experienced by those in the peripheries) to expand to the professional class in the city centers such as doctors who now need 2-3 jobs to live. This led to protests in the city and the cultivation of groups such as the Sudanese Tea Sellers Association, Sudan Professionals Association, and neighborhood groups who in 2019 were at the forefront of revolts. 

The geopolitical landscape of Sudan involves the complex interplay of militias and foreign actors. In terms of militias and foreign involvement, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by Hemedti, and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), led by Burhan, play crucial roles. RSF has been legitimized through bilateral trade agreements on minerals.  The Wagner Group from Russia and Canadian lobbyists have further played roles in legitimizing these militias. The involvement of external powers, including the U.S., the European Union, and Israel, in training, financing, and arming these militias and forces adds another layer of complexity. The RSF's access to gold mines in Darfur and its role in blocking immigrants at the behest of European nations illustrate the multifaceted connections shaping Sudan's geopolitical situation.

It is also important  to mention the role of the U.S. in fueling conflict in Sudan to control its energy resources, cementing access to the Red Sea which links the Mediterranean to Asia and is one of the world’s busiest waterways.

The current geopolitical situation is also influenced by neo-colonial interests, with the split of Sudan into Western Sudan, South Sudan, and Sudan, reflecting regional and international designs. The control over different regions by the RSF and SAF aligns with neocolonial strategies, reinforcing the influence of external actors in Sudan's internal affairs.

AWB: Recently, the African Union honored former UN Ambassador Susan Rice as a leader "working to empower across the African Diaspora." This is the same Susan Rice who as an operative of then-President Obama worked to blockade Sudan's ports and launched selective bombing raids in Sudan. What should be one's takeaways about the African Union from this as well as its recent track record?

SA: The African Union of today is made up of neocolonial puppets for western governments. Similar to Burhan and Hemedti, they do not work for the interests of the masses of African peoples. The U.S. necessitates misleaders such as those currently in power in order to continue controlling African land, people, and resources. Leaders such as John Garang, who advocated for Sudanese resources to be in the hands of Sudanese people are killed while leaders like Yoweri Museveni in Uganda who work for the interest of the U.S. supplying troops to fight Africans in Congo are to live long lives. 

AWB: What are the most hopeful signs about Sudan and how can others support moving that hope forward?

The most hopeful sign about Sudan is the people know this war is not theirs. Before the war, the Sudanese people were fighting a popular movement, in line with Sudan’s long history of peoples led revolts from the 1998 Mahdist Revolts to the 1964 anti-police violent revolts, to 2019 revolts against exploitative living conditions. We, the Sudanese people, have a strong history and understand revolution as a process. The sit-ins, demonstrations, boycotts, writing of the People's Charter, neighborhood associations, were all cultivated by the people of Sudan - everyday people from tea sellers to lawyers to students to hustlers. The revolts we’ve seen are not mouthfed and the people of Sudan know that neither Hemedti nor Burhan is fighting in their interests. 

News and Analysis

Eugene Puryear on Sudan, 5 Years Since the December Revolution

December 20, 2023 by Eugene Puryear

Five years after Sudan’s December revolution, the country is facing a devastating humanitarian crisis. A raging civil war has left hundreds of thousands displaced, facing hunger and poverty. Eugene Puryear of Breakthrough News talks about the events that have led to this situation, tracing developments back to the hope ignited by the December revolution five years ago.

War in Sudan Engulfs Agricultural Heartland Amid Record Levels of Hunger

January 1, 2024 by Pavan Kulkarni

After capturing Gezira, a state in central Sudan that was producing half of its wheat and providing refuge to hundreds of thousands of IDPs, the RSF is set to battle the Sudanese Armed Forces for the neighboring states to consolidate control over the country’s agricultural heartland.

Terrorism in Africa Increased 100,000% During 'War on Terror'

February 12, 2024 by Nick Turse

Deaths from terrorism in Africa have skyrocketed more than 100,000 percent during the U.S. war on terror according to a new study by Africa Center for Strategic Studies, a Pentagon research institution. These findings contradict claims by U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) that it is thwarting terrorist threats on the continent and promoting security and stability.

Black Alliance for Peace’s U.S. Out of Africa Network Deplores Plans to Expand U.S. Drone Atrocities in West Africa

February 5, 2024 by Black Alliance for Peace

The U.S. plan to build three new military drone bases in Ghana, Ivory Coast and Benin are some of the newest imperialist efforts in Western Africa that are supported by neo-colonial African governments and collaborators, as demonstrated by the existence of AFRICOM and the silence of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the U.S. Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) on this development.

Chad, Mauritania Pave Way for Dissolution of G5 Sahel Alliance

December 6, 2023 by Al Jazeera

Chad and Mauritania said they “take note and respect the sovereign decision” of Burkina Faso and Niger to leave the alliance, following in the footsteps of Mali, which quit in 2022.

Canceled US Joint Exercises in Africa Shows Washington's Influence Abroad Slipping

January 28, 2024 by Sputnik International

U.S. military leadership has scrapped plans to hold joint exercises with several African states such as Sudan, Mali, Niger, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Burkina Faso. This suggests the weakening of U.S. influence.

Banner photo: AFRICOM Director of Intelligence, U.S. Navy Rear Adm. Heidi Berg, spoke with Sudanese military professionals from the Sudanese Higher Military Academy in Sudan, Jan. 27, 2021, courtesy africom.mil.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin #49

From Cop City in Georgia to Genocide in Gaza, the rise of fascism touches all colonized people. It is extremely important in this time of sharpened contradictions in the global capitalist system for Africans and working class people all over the world to make these connections and build solidarity with oppressed peoples everywhere.

BAP unequivocally supports the Palestinian’s struggle for self-determination, their land, sovereignty, freedom and justice. The struggle of Palestinians is the struggle of Africans is the struggle of the masses.

U.S. Out of Africa: Voices from the Struggle

Since the October 7th act of Palestinian resistance to the 75 year occupation, there has been a great deal of discussion among African people about how this applies to us? Some feel that we have our own liberation struggles and have no capacity to focus on those of others. Others feel that there is a link between the liberation struggle of the Palestinian people and those of African people.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin spoke with Djibo Sobukwe recently who is a former longtime member of the All African People's Revolutionary Party and a member of Black Alliance for Peace Africa and Research / Political Education teams.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin (AWB): When most people think of the African Diaspora, they don’t think of Palestine. Should it be included, why or why not?

Djibo Sobukwe (DS): I think it should be included because by definition “the African diaspora” includes anywhere in the world where we find persons of African ancestry living. There is definitely an Afro Palestinian community in Palestine, in fact one would be hard pressed to find any country in the middle east (Western Asia) that doesn’t have some presence of people of African descent. It is appropriate here to mention a famous Afro Palestinian freedom fighter named Fatima Bernawi who was nine years old at the time of the Nakba. She later joined the Fatah movement, and was reportedly the first Palestinian woman jailed by the Israeli Defense Forces for being involved in a planned attack. After spending 10 years in jail she was released in a prisoner exchange and then went on to work with PLO chairman Yassir Arafat.

AWB: How should we respond to the African person, especially in the United States, who says, "I’m concerned about police brutality here and just don't have the capacity to take on the Palestinian struggle"

DS: We all have a responsibility to educate ourselves to understand that police brutality here is just one local symptom of this US racial capitalist imperialist system that is international and has violent ramifications the world over. Dr. Martin Luther King’s statement that “the greatest purveyor of violence in the world is my own government” is still the truth. The Zionist entity (Israel) is a US middle east settler colonial satellite apartheid state that has been committing genocide against the indigenous Palestinian population for 75 years, funded and supported by our tax dollars. The US empire is at the head of an international structure of violent oppression of the majority of the worlds’ people. The only way we can be victorious is to internationalize our struggle and be in solidarity with the struggle of other oppressed communities. The issue of being educated and being on the side of justice is not always easy because the first line of attack by US imperialism is the ideological arena or the battle of ideas and morals. The empire relies on constantly gaslighting and falsifying history in order to manufacture consent and gain complicity by the masses towards its objectives. It also relies on public sanction, threatening and condemning people who do speak the truth.

AWB: Talk about the primary contradictions or misunderstandings that the African Christian Zionist in the US has about Palestine and the State of Israel.

DS: The primary confusion lies in conflating biblical Israel of the old testament with the relatively new (since 1948) settler colonial state of Israel which is occupied Palestine. In reality the two have nothing to do with each other. The confusion is also rooted in the myth that Jews controlling Israel will somehow facilitate the second coming of Jesus thereby bringing salvation to Christians.

AWB: In your latest BAR op-ed, you talked about Nasser leading the Casablanca group of African countries in 1961 which supported Palestinian rights and condemning Israel. Talk about what became of that concept and if you see signs or hope of that effort being revived in Africa?

DS: Well, the struggle between the Casa Blanca group on one hand vs Monrovia and Brazzaville groups on the other, represented a big class struggle between the progressive revolutionary countries wanting total independence and the countries that wanted to remain neo-colonial. That class struggle still exists but in a different form. Now neo colonial governments have near complete dominance of the continent, there are only at best a few progressive governments. But change is constant, and there are some encouraging signs in that there are some left, progressive Pan-Africanist, socialist and communist parties and movements emerging that are challenging the dominant narrative. Even a neo-colonial government like the one in South Africa is insisting that at least Israel should not get observer status at the AU.

AWB: For those who do see Palestinian liberation being linked to African liberation, how best can one contribute to both?

DS: The best way to make contributions to both is via organizations; that is to join an organization that has revolutionary internationalism/ Pan-Africanism as a core principle and demonstrates this through its work. If one organization doesn’t totally satisfy this, one can always support or join an additional one.

News and Analysis

The Black Alliance for Peace Condemns the Murderous Assault on Occupied Palestine

October 11, 2023 by Black Alliance for Peace

The Black Alliance for Peace stands in solidarity with the people of Gaza and all Palestinians under occupation in the racist, apartheid settler state of Israel. We recognize the right of Palestine to exist and the right of the Palestinian people to resist occupation. We call on African/Black people to remember our long tradition of solidarity with Palestine.

The A-APRP Condemns Attack on the PAIGC

December 7, 2023 by All African People’s Revolutionary Party

We call on all revolutionary Pan-Africanist, anti-imperialist and progressive forces to stand in solidarity with the PAIGC, PAI Terra Ranka Coalition and the heroic people of Guinea Bissau who chose once again the path of progress over the neo-colonialist reactionaries and their foreign counter-revolutionary imperialist backers. We will not let their victory be stolen.

Populist Trends or Revolutionary Pan-Africanism?

November 30, 2023 by Kinuthia Ndungu & Nicholas Mwangi

The African continent is witnessing the dynamic movement of leaders who deliver passionate speeches, captivating the youth and the diaspora. However, beneath this energetic facade lies a challenge – the rise of pseudo-populist Pan-Africanism that regurgitates empty rhetoric. This practice has also extended among African presidents who are now becoming overnight celebrities around the world with short YouTube videos going viral.

Kenya’s Intervention in Haiti: An Interrogation of Impetus, Objectives, and Consequences

November 21, 2023 by Haitian Studies Association

This panel is a dialogue between Haitian and Kenyan internationalists about the implications of a Kenya-led military intervention in Haiti. It features Jemima Pierre, Professor of Global Race at the University of British Columbia (Canada) and Haiti/Americas Team-Coordinator for Black Alliance for Peace (U.S.); Georges Eddy Lucien, Professor of History and Geography at the Université d’Etat d’Haiti (Haiti); Willy Mutunga, retired Professor of Law at the University of Nairobi, former Chief Justice of Kenya, and former President of the Supreme Court (Kenya); and Boniface Mwangi, renowned photo-journalist activist (Kenya).

Why Africans / Black Folks Should Oppose Zionism: Some Aspects of a Racist Imperialist Ideology in Africa and the Americas

November 15, 2023 by Djibo Sobukwe

Colonized people must be in solidarity with the oppressed and by definition, that means being anti-zionist. Political Zionism is a racist ethno-nationalist imperialist ideology and movement founded in the late 19th century that mis-uses Judaism to justify the settler colonial occupation of Palestinian land as a state reserved only for Jews. Christian Zionism, which actually preceded political Zionism, is the belief that the biblical land of Israel should be controlled by Jews thereby ensuring the second return of Jesus which will bring salvation to Christians.

Pan-African Masquerade: William Ruto with the Mask Off

September 27, 2023 by Larmbert Ebitu

With recent credible reports suggesting that the UK’s MI6 and the US’s CIA are plotting to eliminate African leaders seen as aligned with Russia, one cannot rule out their weaponizing puppets like Ruto to do their bidding. Africans must start calling out Ruto, if only to expose the neocolonial puppet behind the mask masquerading as a pan-African.

If you are interested in getting more directly involved in the fight to liberate Africa, please consider joining the U.S. Out of Africa Network.

No compromise, no retreat,

BAP’s U.S. Out of Africa Network

P.S. Freedom isn’t free. We are doing this work with no full-time staff and no big foundation support. Consider giving today.

Banner photo: Two demonstrators standing side by side with one holding Palestine flag and other holding DR Congo flag (courtesy social media).

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin #48

Is the West losing their grip on Africa? Africans around the world are rising against neocolonialism and asserting their right to sovereignty and self-determination. Across the Sahel, the African masses have taken to the streets, calling for French troops to leave their lands. BAP not only emphasizes the importance of the liberation of “Francophone Africa” but advocates for the U.S. and NATO to exit Africa. 

From the highly militarized U.S. presence through AFRICOM and CIA bases in Niger and throughout other Sahelian states such as Burkina Faso, Mali, Chad, etc, we cannot forget to include them as the hegemonic head of neocolonialism in Africa. 

Through this International Month of Action Against AFRICOM, we aim to express our support for the aspirations of the people in the streets and call for the ejection of all Western forces, including AFRICOM and NATO, from the African Continent.

U.S. Out of Africa: Voices from the Struggle

There is a great deal of both excitement and uncertainty about the anti-imperialist sentiment spreading in the Sahel region of Africa which includes mostly former French colonies of Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. The anti-imperialist element is exciting for many of us while the direction of those military leaders is uncertain. Since 2008, 15 U.S.-trained officers have had a hand in 12 West African coups.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin speaks with Rafiki Morris, an organizer and Central Committee Member of the All African People's Revolutionary Party (A-APRP) about these issues. The A-APRP also recently helped to organize a rally outside of the French Embassy to protest the proposed military intervention in Niger.

AFRICOM Watch Bulletin: As the A-APRP noted, of 106 coup d'etats in Africa since 1950, 103 have been of a reactionary nature with only exceptions being Naser in Egypt, Gaddafi in Libya and Sankara in Burkina Faso. Do you think this current wave will be closer to what has been the exception or the rule, and on what basis?

Rafiki Morris: First we would like to thank you for this opportunity to look more closely at what is happening to African People both at home and abroad. When we do this we get a chance to see the true dimension of imperialism and its assault upon African People and humanity in general.  

We look into the happenings in West Africa in the context of the worldwide struggle being waged by African People to be free of capitalism and imperialism.  For us the movement must advance. Revolutionary coups in Africa advances the African Revolution. To have three, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso in this short period of time would be a miracle with far reaching implications. But if even one of these coups turns out to be of the caliber of the revolution led by Nassar, Gaddafi or Sankara, we will mark it as a major victory of the masses of the people over imperialism and for Pan-Africanism.

In the case of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, their progressive contribution is cemented by their common commitment to get the French Out of Africa. This uncompromising stand taken by the People themselves ensures that these militaries move in a positive direction..

The Soldiers assumed power during a time when emerging Pan-African sentiments were sweeping around the globe. This wave of Pan-African consciousness has a dual nature. First it is the introduction of Pan-African Thought to a new generation of people. It is also an opportunity for potential misleaders to carve out a place for themselves in the fast approaching new dispensation. We must look upon this new pan-Africanist awareness with a critical eye. History teaches that wolves often dress as lambs, charlatans dress as saviors and monsters present as messiahs.

AWB: Can the role of ECOWAS, and even Kenya in Haiti, help advance the political education of the masses around neo-colonialism or as some say, “imperialism in Black Face”?

RM: Yes we can use these events as examples to explain neo-colonialism. However, our political education must go further.  We have to teach the truth. Every place on earth that has an African population and is not liberated is neo-colonialist. Neo-colonialism unites our external enemy with the internal enemy. In a particular way we define the enemy as a single entity with internal and external aspects. Capitalism and imperialism cannot survive without their junior partners with “Black Faces.” The reactionary Black puppets that rule us worldwide cannot survive without their capitalist imperialist senior partners.

One aspect which we should not overlook is the fact that these internal enemies have always been among the people. They are the unique creation of African culture and existed among us, causing mischief, long before the imperialist came to Africa’s shores. Failure to understand this reality leads to serious error of thinking the enemy is only the external invaders. During the struggle to end colonialism many Africans thought that all they had to do was get rid of the French, English, Portuguese or Belgians. After the Europeans were gone we found out that we had traded a white exploiter for black exploiter, who were in fact in league with the white we had thought to break away from. Understanding that the enemy sometimes looks just like you is a sign of political maturity.

But examples and explanations are only part of the process of political education. The other part, the most important part, is practice. Practice is the active involvement in the struggle against neo-colonialism. Without this action there is no real understanding. We were taught by our brother Kwame Ture that if you want to know something you have to get involved in it. Take swimming as an  example. You can have all the explanations and examples of swimming in the world, you can know the name of every stroke, every type of kick and all the techniques involved in floating. But you will never know how to swim if you do not get in the water. You will have a theory but no real knowledge. Real knowledge comes from applying the theory in practice. Fighting imperialism is an active resistance. Without this resistance you cannot really know neo-colonialism. Without practice you cannot defeat neo-colonialism.

AWB: How would you explain to Africans in Haiti or Southeast DC why they should care about the Sahel and how they can and should get involved?

RM: The struggle in Sahel, Haiti, the USA etc., are all frontlines of a worldwide conflict between African People and capitalist imperialism. The strategy is to fight the enemy wherever we find them. Everywhere they use their military/police to kill, incarcerate and destabilize African People and the movement we have built to pursue our liberation. The only solution to the ongoing assault is the unification of our fighting forces. We must develop coordinated political and military action. We tell our people that the struggle in Sahel, Haiti and the USA is one struggle against a common enemy. We must unite, not to live happily ever after or to fulfill some long held dream. We must unite to defeat our imperialist, neocolonialist, white supremacist, patriarchal enemy. We understand clearly, AFRICANS UNITED CAN NEVER BE DEFEATED.

News and Analysis

All Africans Should Condemn the Call for an ECOWAS-led Military Invasion of Niger

August 7, 2023 by Black Alliance for Peace Africa Team

The Africa Team of the Black Alliance for Peace (BAP) and the U.S. Out of Africa Network (USOAN) condemn the threats of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to lead a military intervention into Niger. We believe this would be an act of subservience to U.S./EU/NATO interests. As Western imperialism seems to be losing its neo-colonialist grip on Africa, it is trying to expand its use of puppets and proxies to undermine resistance.

Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso Sign Military Pact at Liptako-Gourma Borders Area

September 26, 2023 by Abayomi Azikiwe

As threats from France continue against the military governments in West Africa, the new heads of state view a unified approach as the only suitable response to imperialist aggression

Alliance of Sahel States

September 18, 2023 by Press TV

BAP Africa Team Co-Coordinator Netfa Freeman and Pan-African News Wire's Abayomi Azikiwe interview on Press TV's Spotlight talk about the Alliance of Sahel States

Under French-backed Military Ruler Mahamat Deby, Chad is a “Pressure Cooker Waiting to Explode”

September 23, 2023 by Pavan Kulkarni

While threatening war against Niger, ostensibly to restore democracy, France continues to back the military junta of Mahamat Deby which is accused of killing at least 128 pro-democracy protesters last year. However, anger against the junta and soaring anti-French sentiment threatens its military presence in the country

Revolution in Sahel? Military Coups in Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger 

August 7, 2023 by A-APRP (All-African People’s Revolutionary Party)

The All-African People’s Revolutionary Party expresses solidarity and harmony with the people of Niger, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso and Algeria, stands resolutely against the U.S., EU and ECOWAS sanctions, and rejects all attempts at military invasions by NATO member states or the ECOWAS body.

French Decision to Withdraw Troops from Niger is a Testimony “To the Determination and Will of the Nigerien people” 

September 25, 2023 by Pavan Kulkarni

After withdrawing from Mali and Burkina Faso, and now on the way out from Niger, Chad is the last of the now practically defunct G5 Sahel country to host a permanent base of France.

Statement on the Establishment of the Alliance of Sahel States

September 27, 2023 by Socialist Movement of Ghana

The Socialist Movement of Ghana salutes Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, on the adoption of the 16th of September 2023 Liptako-Gourma Charter, establishing l’Alliance des États du Sahel (“Alliance of Sahel States”). 

Not Just Coups: Meet the People’s Movements in the Streets of West Africa

October 2, 2023 by Rania Khalek Dispatches

Journalist Rania Khalek speaks with Kambala Musavuli, a Congolese activist, on the anti-colonial sentiments that have erupted throughout West Africa in recent months.

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Banner photo: Niger army sergeant and artist Maman Sani Maigochi performs as supporters gather at Place de la Concertation in the capital Niamey {Courtesy AFP}